14 Years of 'Covert War' Between Iran and the United States

The following is a summary of a book titled 'Relentless Assault – The Secret History of the Joint Special Operations Command' by Sean Naylor, published in the Daily Beast, focusing on the previous operations of the Iranian and American governments against each other, particularly in Iraq. The Daily Beast begins its article with a brief look at Tehran-Washington relations after the nuclear agreement, stating: 'These days, the governments of the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran are experiencing a period of 'political de-escalation' following the signing of the nuclear agreement. Military forces from both governments are even cooperating in the war against the Islamic State group, but this should not be interpreted as friendship, especially given Iran's history of supporting terrorism and the history of U.S. special forces' efforts to eliminate Tehran-backed terrorists.' 'After the September 11, 2001 attacks, about 10 senior members of al-Qaeda, including 'Saad,' bin Laden's son, fled from Afghanistan to Iran. The Pentagon tasked the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) with designing operations to capture al-Qaeda members by a group of elite special forces.' 'The planners of this operation considered the infiltration of a six-man team of Navy SEALs but halted the operation due to a lack of intelligence resources and knowledge of the exact whereabouts of al-Qaeda members in Iran. Despite thorough training in Texas, General Richard Myers, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, ordered the plan to be shelved to avoid tactical and political-military risks.' 'Ultimately, the victorious battle of the U.S. and the capture of Iraq provided the opportunity for JSOC to infiltrate Iran, and a unit of the U.S. Army known as 'Delta' began operations in the border areas of Iran, particularly in Kurdistan, in collaboration with an intelligence and espionage unit known as 'Orange Force,' establishing contact with the 'Asayesh' intelligence organization of the Kurds, which had one or two spies in Iran. These spies reported on Iran's nuclear program. 'Delta' also documented assistance from other Iraqi sources in the covert campaign against al-Qaeda in Iraq and Iran, but according to one special forces officer, the Kurds had the greatest access and capability for infiltration. The cooperation of the 'Asayesh' organization was not limited to 'Delta.' 'JSOC' also recruited members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), who had gone into exile in Iraq after falling out with the Ayatollahs in Iran. At that time, although the U.S. State Department had classified the MEK as a terrorist group, this did not prevent JSOC from using the MEK to infiltrate Iran, justifying it with the reasoning that the enemy of my enemy is my friend. 'JSOC' was determined to infiltrate its operatives into Iran, but such infiltration was not achieved until 2007, and ultimately, the Defense Department deemed this operation fruitless and impractical, halting it. 'The Quds Force operations in Iraq' On an evening in April 2009, several SEALs were monitoring Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force of the Revolutionary Guard, as he entered Baghdad airport. He had entered the capital with a diplomatic passport to coordinate a campaign to destabilize Iraq. The tools of this campaign included training and distributing money among not only Shiite militants, who were natural allies of the Iranian government, but also among Sunni militant groups. The extensive network of Quds Force allies within the political structure of Shiite Iraq made any operational movement highly sensitive. This extensive network was established during the eight-year Iran-Iraq war, and Qassem Soleimani, who dictated Iran's policy in Iraq, advanced his plans in the neighboring country using this complex network and proxy forces. Among the groups in this network were: - Badr Organization, the military wing of the Supreme Islamic Council of Iraq, funded by Iranian money and military assistance from the Iranian government, - Jaish al-Adl militants affiliated with Muqtada al-Sadr, - Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, considered a ruthless special group, - Al-Qaraawi network, whose members are based in the Maysan area in southeastern Iraq, - and Kata'ib Hezbollah. The Badr Organization was established by Qassem Soleimani for intelligence gathering and espionage and part of combat operations, directly providing the gathered information to the Quds Force through its operatives. Iran's strategic goal of destabilizing Iraq was pursued in a manner similar to what the CIA had established years ago with the Mujahideen during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The question posed to any group was simple: Are you willing to kill Americans and can you coordinate attacks? If the answer was yes, money and weapons were provided to the group members. In early 2005, the Quds Force introduced a new weapon into the Iraq battle; known as roadside bombs that exploded armored American vehicles. Within a year, the use of this weapon increased by 150%, and during the three months from October to the end of December 2006, 30% of American casualties were caused by these bomb explosions. U.S. intelligence estimates indicate that at that time, one hundred Iranian operatives were active in Iraq. The U.S. government denied the extent of the Quds Force's activities in Iraq for years, but eventually, after a long period of avoiding confrontation with Iranian soldiers, U.S. military commanders could no longer ignore the blood spilled by the Quds Force. Beginning in October 2006, a special task force under General McCrystal began operations against Iranian proxy fighters, and during an attack on the base of the Abdul Aziz Hakim militia, a Revolutionary Guard brigadier general named Mohsen Shirazi was captured. General Shirazi led the Quds Force operations in Iraq. A colonel was also captured alongside Shirazi. However, both were released after protests from the Islamic Republic of Iran and pressure from Iraqi political leaders. In another operation, Delta Force members raided the Iranian diplomatic mission in Erbil on January 11, 2007, hoping to capture Mohammad Jafari, the deputy of Iran's National Security Council and a key organizer of the Iraq campaign, and General Firouzandeh, the head of the IRGC intelligence, but instead, they captured five lower-ranking guards. In the same month of January, the Quds Force retaliated, and the Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq militia, controlled and supported by Iran, attacked the temporary coordination center of Iraqi and American forces in Karbala. One American soldier was killed, and four others were kidnapped, who were later killed shortly after. When General David Petraeus took command of U.S. and allied forces in Iraq from General George Casey, the unilateral operations of the Quds Force and its proxy fighters turned into a full-blown battle. The task force was established with a clear and simple goal: to defeat the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the proxy fighters of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and their successor networks; however, Task Force operations faced opposition from the Shiite government of Iraq. The Baghdad government welcomed U.S. operations against Sunni militants, but showed great sensitivity toward the suppression of Shiite militants. The Shiite government of Nouri al-Maliki accused American soldiers of killing civilians, which led to members of Task Force 17 being prohibited from entering Shiite neighborhoods like Sadr City. Nevertheless, Task Force 17, abbreviated as TF 17, continued its operations for several more years but ultimately disbanded before U.S. forces completely withdrew from Iraq in 2011.