2024 Elections; A Debate That Failed to Ignite the Election Atmosphere

The long and thick backgrounds of some candidates like Qalibaf, Jalili, and subsequently Zakani and Ghazizadeh, referred to as cover candidates, along with the political origins of Pezeshkian, have not been able to replicate the excitement of previous election debates. In the second debate, the repetition of phrases and slogans was such that even the candidates occasionally reminded each other. In this regard, it can be said that those political and electoral activists who hoped to heat up the election atmosphere through debates have miscalculated. The second debate of the six candidates for the fourteenth presidential election was held on Thursday, June 21. The death of Ebrahim Raisi in the third year of his government and the government's determination to place him in a halo of light and sanctity has prevented the candidates from accurately criticizing the economic and social situation during his tenure and its lasting effects based on statistics. Instead, the two Rouhani administrations have always been the center of attention and criticism. The first presidential election debate was cold and repetitive, reminiscent of Ahmadinejad's troublesome legacy. In 2009, the economic transformation plan under the title of subsidy payments during Ahmadinejad's administration was widely criticized from the beginning. The legacy of this troublesome and erroneous action occupied a significant portion of the second night of the candidates' debate, with each of them emphasizing the need for its reform. Ahmadinejad managed to garner many votes with the promise of cash subsidies, a topic still utilized by candidates today. Alireza Zakani, who is neither well-regarded nor has a defensible performance as the mayor of Tehran, promised to pay 20 grams of gold annually, explaining only that Iran is wealthy. He mentioned the 'golden subsidy' plan, which is supposed to benefit all Iranian families that save energy. According to Zakani's plan, each three-member family will receive 20 grams of gold annually, which is immune to inflation due to its nature. He also displayed a plan and chart for the implementation of this scheme to show that poverty would be eradicated from the very beginning of his government. Meanwhile, official statistics indicate that at least about 30 percent of Iran's population lives below the poverty line, which is nearly 26 million people. This issue could have been a topic for discussion, but despite Zakani raising it twice, none of the candidates challenged it or made any effort to question it. Zakani even promised gasoline at 1,500 tomans, half the current price. Other candidates only referred to the topic of subsidies and their lack of targeting, without engaging in more substantial discussions. This was not the only area where Zakani took inspiration from Ahmadinejad; he also presented a series of images mostly related to Hassan Rouhani and his government, flipping through them and criticizing Rouhani's government regarding the Mehr housing project, the arrest of his brother, and several other issues. In the end, he repeated Ahmadinejad's reminder that 'Mr. Pezeshkian, I care for you, but you are going to run the third Rouhani government.' Zakani even criticized Pezeshkian's advisor for saying that Raisi's government has been disastrous, while he himself referred to the eight years of Rouhani's administration as a 'dark period' and made a strange and complex statement that 'Martyr Raisi is certainly more effective than living Raisi.' The cover candidate, Seyed Amir Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, withdrew in favor of Raisi in the 2021 elections and became the head of the Martyrs Foundation. He was the only one who consistently referred to Raisi's government performance and pointed to his positive achievements during his three-year tenure at the Martyrs and Veterans Foundation. Throughout the debate, Ghazizadeh made no effort to attract attention or gain votes. He criticized Rouhani's government by saying, 'The subsidy that was worth three dollars during Mr. Rouhani's time has reached 11 dollars due to the efforts of the government.' Here too, none of the candidates pointed out that at that time, the subsidy was 45,000 tomans, and now it is 300,000 tomans, or that the dollar record of around 70,000 tomans was set during Raisi's government. The lack of dialogue among candidates and even their failure to respond to questions posed to them strengthens the likelihood that none of them takes the others seriously. The cover candidates know each other well, and the main candidates do not engage in the game and debate with them or do not consider them influential, although the issues raised are not particularly controversial. The second debate of the elections; intense attacks by candidates against each other and the cold reaction of the virtual space. The security man who says people do not believe them. Among the candidates, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, who has always been present in the power structure and especially in governments since the revolution, and whose security personality looms larger than any responsibility, seemed to have a better understanding of societal conditions and repeatedly referred to their unpopularity and lack of credibility among the people. He rightly pointed out that the distribution of subsidies has enriched some and impoverished others. He raised the issue of neglect and denial of sanctions and directly addressed Saeed Jalili. He even referred to a memory from 2016 that was discussed in the Security Council, 'and at the end of that meeting, Saeed Jalili came to me and said if you were in charge, I would agree, but we do not accept the gentlemen. I said let's accept the main issue first, then see what conditions and restrictions we can impose. Now, it has been 10-11 years that our financial exchanges are locked, and we have no resources, and the economy is not on the right track.' Everyone listened to these explanations as a mere anecdote, and none continued or criticized it. Even Jalili, as the person being addressed, passed over it. Pourmohammadi also rightly pointed out that 'it has been seven or eight days since our advertisements started, the social atmosphere is not warm, they do not feel serious, people do not trust us, and they do not take our honesty seriously. What did you do 10-15 years ago that you will act tomorrow?' He tried several times to trap Qalibaf and Jalili, but neither entered the playing field. He even accused Qalibaf of not taking advantage of opportunities for oil sales and that if anything has happened, it has been due to international relations and not the parliamentary laws that he presides over. However, Qalibaf did not respond to this either. The man walking on the border. Pezeshkian's efforts seem to be more focused on gaining the votes of border residents and Sunni areas. He constantly refers to the dire state of health and education in those areas. He only showed a statistic and chart indicating the worsening living conditions during Raisi's three-year government. Among all the topics that could have been a basis for criticizing Raisi's government, Pezeshkian only mentioned the arrest of Raisi's agriculture minister and the corruption known as 'Dabesh tea.' Although Pezeshkian referred to the people's dissatisfaction with the current situation, he did not specifically mention any of the protests, including those in December 2017, November 2019, and Fall 2022, and only said, 'People do not judge us correctly. The problem is with the senior manager. People are dissatisfied with us because we label them, we create files for them, and we need reforms for rights and justice. It is impossible to fix the country with one group and faction. Sunni areas are weaker, and we have not served them based on justice.' Reformists at the crossroads of change; a breakthrough or collapse? The general who has always wished for the presidency. Qalibaf tried to play the role of Rouhani in 2013, but only emphasized a few sentences that 'sanctions are not just paper. I agree with negotiations. Negotiation is a method of struggle.' Ineffective questions, baseless answers. The questions were completely generic and could not reveal the candidates' programs, although they themselves did not emphasize this either. However, they repeatedly showed that they had no connection with society, not only directly but also by following the news. When the topic of health and treatment was raised, only Pourmohammadi referred to the migration of doctors and nurses, attributing it to respect and economy. In contrast, Jalili referred to generational differences in a way that was more aligned with denying changes in views and Generation Z. According to the statistical community he claimed to have, in one gathering, he understood the opposing side's words and they accepted his views. While statistics show that the destination for doctors and nurses is mostly Arab countries, Ghazizadeh Hashemi announced that European and American countries are eager to recruit Iranian doctors and nurses. Qalibaf referred to water, soil, and noise pollution, but did not mention how much he improved this situation during his tenure as mayor of Tehran. When the discussion turned to education, Qalibaf blamed the frequent management changes. Pourmohammadi stated that it is not right for a few hundred people in the Ministry of Education to sit and produce content for others in other cities to use, but rather everyone’s creativity should be utilized. He did not mention that even now, there are still challenges in some areas regarding the use of the mother tongue in schools. Zakani, however, stated explicitly that education starts at home and continues in mosques, schools, communities, and universities. He acknowledged the right of students to express themselves but did not mention how many students have been deprived of education or have been exiled or imprisoned for speaking out. Regarding education, Pezeshkian turned to impoverished areas and Sistan and Baluchestan, saying, 'In impoverished areas and Sistan, we have schools that do not even have a normal environment. If we are an Islamic country, we should provide the same services to our children as we do to our own.' Jalili preferred to say in general that since his goal is a leap, schools are the army of blossoming opportunities, so planning must be done for it. While the discussion was about utilizing elites, Pezeshkian said, 'To change, we must set aside factional and group confrontations. When elites leave Iran, we are proud that they are Iranian, but if they were here, we might have expelled them.' The audience for these vague and repetitive slogans was unclear, as the current situation is better understood and deeper by the people than by them. Of course, Jalili also referred to the tens of thousands of faculty members who are treasures and millions of students and graduates present in the country and asked what their role is in the country's progress. He forgot the roles of questioner and respondent. Hassan Rouhani says the duty of two candidates in the elections is 'abuse and insult.' The last struggles without a savior. Ghazizadeh Hashemi, who is participating in this election as Raisi's standard-bearer, said, 'Was there more economic freedom during Rouhani's eight years or in Raisi's government? Has the living situation improved or worsened after 2021?' He was mostly trying to reveal that Pourmohammadi and Pezeshkian are going to establish Rouhani's third government, but he did not even make an effort to scare people about that period and the situation. In his last attempt, Qalibaf promised to grant welfare cards to those with fixed salaries, but his enticing promise was to grant land plots in villages or cities to those without housing and to provide apartments to young couples exempt from rent for three years. While he has been unable to make progress on car imports during his years as Speaker of Parliament, he also promised imports. If we were to count the sharpest remarks from the candidates, they might not reach the fingers of two hands; although those few did not provoke significant reactions among the other candidates nor did they resonate in the social space. The most challenging dialogue might be found between Pezeshkian and Zakani, where Pezeshkian said, 'We have made the people's father suffer,' and Zakani replied, 'You have made the people's father suffer.' If we were to evaluate the second debate, this four-hour program was mostly predetermined monologues where each person came into the spotlight at their time and recited, without raising any important questions for the other candidates or engaging in impactful challenges with each other. This debate had neither a hero nor an anti-hero; it was a nearly fruitless session without a stick to stir the election pot on July 8.