Absent Representatives in the Parliamentary Elections: From Bahonar to Hosseinian

The representative of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) confirmed in an interview with Shargh newspaper that the IRGC has set 'criteria' for voting for candidates, but emphasized that 'we do not enter into specifics.' Ali Saeedi referred to the IRGC's activities during the elections as 'situation analysis' and 'trend analysis.' He explicitly stated that 'when Mr. Ahmadinejad acted within a series of values, he was supported, and later when he deviated from those values, he was confronted.' He also commented on Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's role in inciting and 'insulting a part of the people' during the 2009 elections, saying, 'In electoral competition, they do not distribute candy.' The Law newspaper published a statistical report about the candidates for the Assembly of Experts and the Islamic Consultative Assembly, noting that six current representatives of the Assembly of Experts, including Abbas Vaez Tabasi, who oversees the Astan Quds Razavi, have not registered for the upcoming elections. According to the newspaper, 'the separation of registered candidates by educational degree' shows that 72% of registrants hold a master's degree, while over 16% hold a doctorate; however, the number of candidates with a bachelor's degree is 6%, and those with religious education is 'less than 6%.' Meanwhile, Kayhan newspaper, which is under the supervision of the Supreme Leader's representative, described the increase in registrations for the Assembly of Experts and the Islamic Consultative Assembly as 'bulk registration to seize key institutions of the regime' and wrote: 'The bulk registration of thousands for the Islamic Consultative Assembly, which only 290 will enter, and the registration of over 800 for the Assembly of Experts indicates a not-so-complex planning by the agitators to seize key institutions of the regime, a tactic aimed at raising the cost of disqualification for those lacking conditions to create a protective layer for the second and third tiers.' However, Etemad newspaper, in its editorial, emphasized that 'it is not a conspiracy; it has other reasons,' referring to the concerns of Mohammad Yazdi and Ahmad Jannati about the increase in candidate registrations, stating: 'We accept that the unexpectedly high number of electoral candidates is an issue, although it is not necessarily a conspiracy and can even be interpreted as a positive point regarding the political situation in Iran.' The newspaper also highlighted that the emergence of this phenomenon has specific causes, the most important of which is the lack of a party system. Ebtikar newspaper dedicated its front-page photos to several current representatives of the ninth parliament who will be absent in the tenth parliamentary elections, naming Mohammad Reza Bahonar, Rouhollah Hosseinian, Alireza Marandi, Ali Mohammad Bozorgvari, and Ali Asghar Zarei as some of the absentees in the upcoming elections. Shahrvand newspaper reported that while 'air pollution has been suffocating Tehran residents since December 9, and no solution has yet been found to end the suffocating breaths, all measures such as shutting down polluting factories, halting sand and gravel mining, and even closing schools are only for passing the current situation,' city officials and health officials have started a dispute under the shadow of a massive amount of smoke and pollution regarding the number of casualties from air pollution. Abrar newspaper headlined 'A new wave of unemployed with master's and doctoral degrees,' reporting that 'the unemployment rate among university graduates is currently 18.9%, and among 100 university graduates, 19 are unemployed.' The newspaper quoted Kourosh Parand, head of the Technical and Vocational Organization, stating: 'The unemployment rate for male graduates is reported at 12.9%, and for women, it is 31.3%. In other words, out of every 100 male graduates, 13 are unemployed, and out of every 100 female graduates, 31 are unemployed.' The resignation of six representatives from participating in the elections was also reported, with the Law newspaper noting that six current representatives of the Assembly of Experts, including Abbas Vaez Tabasi, who oversees the Astan Quds Razavi, have not registered for the upcoming elections. The newspaper Law also reported that Abdolreza Rahmani Fazli, the Minister of Interior, announced on Saturday an increase of more than 'double the number of candidates for the Islamic Consultative Assembly in this period compared to the previous period,' stating: '12,123 people have registered for the tenth period of the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections,' and 'in the fifth period of the Assembly of Experts elections, 801 people registered, which shows a 62% increase compared to the previous period.' The Law newspaper wrote: For every one of the 88 seats in the Assembly of Experts, there are 9 candidates, and for every one of the 290 seats in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, there are 42 candidates registered. According to the newspaper, 'the separation of registered candidates by educational degree' shows that 72% of registrants hold a master's degree, while over 16% hold a doctorate; however, the number of candidates with a bachelor's degree is 6%, and those with religious education is 'less than 6%.' The representative of Khamenei in the IRGC: 'In electoral competition, they do not distribute candy.' The representative of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic in the IRGC, in an interview with Shargh newspaper, confirmed that the IRGC has set 'criteria' for voting for candidates but emphasized that 'we do not enter into specifics.' Ali Saeedi referred to the IRGC's activities during the elections as 'situation analysis' and 'trend analysis,' and regarding Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's role in inciting and 'insulting a part of the people' during the 2009 elections, he stated: 'In electoral competition, they do not distribute candy.' Ali Saeedi, in an interview with Shargh newspaper about the IRGC's interference in elections, emphasized that during various election periods, 'we only state criteria. We do not enter into specifics,' but at the same time, in response to Shargh newspaper's question about whether there was a 'sedition' in the 2009 elections, he stated: 'If there was a sedition, as Mr. Motahari said, it had two sides; one side was Mr. Ahmadinejad. Did he not play a role in the bitter events that occurred in 2009? He insulted a group of people, and as a result, this crowd was provoked, and events occurred. If there is to be punishment and banning from media, then why not Mr. Ahmadinejad?' He emphasized that 'in electoral competition, they do not distribute candy. Competition and bad ethics mean this. Now, in the middle of the elections, should they confront Ahmadinejad? The confrontation with Ahmadinejad lasted a week, and a week later it turned into a confrontation between right and wrong. When the leader came and took a position, Ahmadinejad was sidelined. The leader's positions are also very clear. When Mr. Ahmadinejad acted within a series of values, he was supported, and later when he deviated from those values, he was confronted. My position was the same, and I was one of those who personally liked his approach, but later when I saw the deviation from the values, I took a position, and he created issues against me in his media.' The representative of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic in the IRGC emphasized that 'the IRGC is the guardian of the Islamic Revolution,' stating: 'Wherever the Islamic Revolution is in danger, the IRGC has a duty. In the field of information, it is the assistant to the Ministry of Intelligence; in security, it is the assistant to the police; in propaganda and cultural affairs, it is the assistant to the Organization of Propagation and cultural institutions; and in military matters, it is the army's assistant. In all these, the IRGC has a supportive role, but if I want to be clear, the IRGC, like other institutions, has a role in situation analysis.' He added, 'Another task expected of the IRGC is to introduce the currents present in the competitive arena to the IRGC and Basij members. You witnessed the sixth parliament, where the deputy speaker of the sixth parliament said he feared from the brain to the tip of the toes from America or proposed an urgent bill to shut down the fuel cycle and accept the protocol, or wrote a letter to the leader intending to say drink the cup of poison. The IRGC must know that if these individuals come to power, what will happen to the regime.' Ali Saeedi pointed out that 'the other work that is imagined that the IRGC interferes in elections is, of course, an illusion, is that the institutions that conduct situation analysis do not have a background, but the IRGC does.' He stated: 'Naturally, the results of our words and the nature of the thoughts of Basij members is to vote for a religious individual. This is the nature of the work, and no one commands them. Because there is no command or barracks to say who to vote for and who not to vote for. It is a very bad perception that, for example, a commander or the representative of the leader says vote for this person. The nature of the thought and culture of the Basij and their families is that when they go to vote, they think whether this candidate, if elected, will strengthen the position of the leadership or not? Will the principles of the living Imam be revived or left to history? When they see the results of the votes, for example, someone who was religious won, then they say the IRGC interfered and brought him to power. It is not like that at all,' and this 'is not interference in elections; this is political justification and situation analysis.' Maziar Khosravi and Mohammad Hassan Najmi, reporters for Shargh newspaper, asked the representative of the leader whether 'in the Basij organization it is said to vote for a certain candidate?' Ali Saeedi responded: 'Not at all; there is no such thing. Because we are also opposed.' He added, 'Some gentlemen even refer to me saying we want to become candidates. I tell them why are you coming to me; we cannot command Basij members to vote for anyone.' He emphasized that 'we have never come to say who to vote for in any period. This is not possible, and also, it is not the dignity of the IRGC and Basij to tell them who to vote for. We state the criteria; we state the words of the Imam and the leader that they say the candidate should be in line with the regime.' He further stated, 'We show the criteria and say that the Imam has said this. A candidate in line with the revolution and the Assembly of Experts is in line with the revolution. Because 'we cannot prevent others' understanding. We state our criteria. We say the individual must completely accept the guardianship of the jurist, and this guardianship must be tangible for him in terms of authority and position. He must also have practical commitment. We define the principles and line of the Imam and the leadership. We do not command at all and do not determine specifics. We provide criteria.' Regarding the IRGC's activities to determine the 'criteria' for parliamentary and Assembly of Experts representation and in response to the question from Shargh newspaper that 'when the Guardian Council has approved the qualifications of candidates, meaning everyone has passed through this council's filter and has been approved,' he stated: 'The Guardian Council has legal limitations and says within the framework of the law. There is a difference between the duty of the Guardian Council and the duty of citizens. First, the Guardian Council does not have enough time to fully grasp the qualifications of individuals. For example, a thousand or two thousand people register, and in a short time, the Guardian Council must give its opinion. But someone who wants to vote has four months. They cannot say that because the Guardian Council has approved, I have no obligation.' Ali Saeedi emphasized that 'voting is both a duty and a right of the people,' stating: 'The duty must be performed correctly. The second difference between citizens and the Guardian Council is that it has a duty within the framework of the law and in several indicators. They also obtain inquiries, but how the Ministry of Intelligence and the police respond to inquiries will be one of the criteria. Therefore, the Guardian Council has limitations in terms of time and resources. Another point is that the votes of citizens are personal and have no responsibility towards the candidates,' and at this stage, 'we only state criteria. We do not enter into specifics.' In response to the question from Shargh newspaper regarding what actions the IRGC takes to prevent 'suspicions of interference in elections,' he stated: 'We have recommended that they not interfere in elections. We have sent instructions, and there has been no intention to interfere, nor will there be. However, what I mentioned is a difference between the IRGC and other institutions. Also, we have a background, and they do not have this background. Thirdly, the background that exists in the IRGC and Basij is that they have this covenant with God to listen to the Imam's words; that is, when they go to the ballot box, they should only vote for individuals who are honest, clean-handed, revolutionary, religious, and impervious to influence, so that when they go to parliament, they are not influenced by anything.' Ali Saeedi also attributed the disruption of speeches to 'Hezbollahis who are neither Basij nor IRGC' and stated: 'We have four types of audiences; first, the IRGC members who are our direct audience. The second category is special Basij. Unfortunately, every incident that occurs anywhere is attributed to the IRGC and Basij, which is a projection. The third category is ordinary Basij. The fourth category is Hezbollahis at the national level who are neither Basij nor IRGC and are not under our command.