Ali Motahari: Can One Flower Bring Spring?

Ali Motahari, a prominent member of the parliament who was initially disqualified by the Guardian Council, has joined the list of candidates whose qualifications have been approved. Motahari, a notable representative of the conservative camp, has long expressed views and taken actions that are entirely different from the political-security positions of the 'right.' Although he pursues a traditional and Sharia-based perspective in cultural matters (including hijab) and believes in the role and intervention of the government, his political views have increasingly distinguished him from conservatives and authoritarian figures since the 2009 presidential election. The controversial and ambiguous 2009 election took place while the eighth parliament, which included Motahari, was in session. He had a critical approach to Ahmadinejad's first government, being one of the main and active representatives in criticizing Mashaei. After the tenth presidential election and the events that followed, Motahari adopted a completely different approach from conservatives. In a context where almost all supporters of the establishment, especially representatives, took a stance against the Green Movement and its leaders or remained silent, he defended the fundamental rights of citizens from a principled perspective. In defending citizens' right to protest, he stated, 'If permission had been granted, that event would not have happened. They should have allowed them to gather. They should have even brought Mousavi and Karroubi to television... but I saw from the first day that they were beating people with batons.' Motahari stood against the suppression of protesters and the detention of political activists, stating, 'I oppose many of these detentions; if a crime was committed, it should be investigated quickly; otherwise, what reason is there for some to still be in prison? This behavior is wrong.' In another statement, he explicitly criticized the country's judiciary, deeming it lacking 'sufficient independence.' Since 2009, he has been one of the outspoken critics of Saeed Mortazavi, the then-prosecutor, repeatedly calling for decisive action against his violations. Motahari's different approach was also evident in his reaction to the death of Ayatollah Montazeri, a cleric who was attacked by government-affiliated media for his sympathy and support for the Green Movement. However, Motahari praised Ayatollah Montazeri, describing his death as 'a blow to Islam' that 'nothing can replace.' Motahari's protest against the house arrest of Green Movement leaders continued despite the significant and noticeable boycott of the 2012 parliamentary elections by the majority of citizens. He entered the parliament as the fourth elected representative of Tehran. Over the past four years, he has been the only voice of protest against the house arrest of Mousavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard from the parliamentary podium. For example, in one of his pre-speech addresses, he addressed the head of the judiciary, stating, 'House arrest is heavier than imprisonment because a prisoner has rights that are monitored by legal observers, but the house-arrested do not.' He also criticized Sadegh Larijani, who linked the house arrest of Green Movement leaders to a resolution by the Supreme National Security Council, emphasizing that this matter 'only pertains to the period of insecurity in question and is a temporary decision'; and 'any permanent ruling is contingent upon trial in a competent public court and hearing the defendant's defense.' Motahari also told the head of the judiciary, 'We must confess to our mistakes in 2009, such as supporting a candidate, not reacting appropriately to the debate, declaring a national celebration instead of deferring the matter to the Guardian Council's opinion, and the violent behavior towards protesters and preventing them from expressing their opinions; then we can consider the mistakes of Mr. Mousavi and Karroubi in not complying with the law.' His different position is evident in this explicit statement: 'The leadership claims that they have observed justice regarding the house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi and are being kind to them; but in my view, this is contrary to justice, and I do not accept their opinion. The leader is not infallible; I do not accept their opinion in this matter. The existence of the Velayat-e Faqih does not absolve us of any obligations.' From this perspective, he also criticized the parliament, even stating that the parliament has become a branch of the leadership's office. Will the parliament become spring? Motahari's views increasingly placed him at the center of attention of the ruling authoritarian figures. Independent of the fierce attacks and criticisms from media and analytical news outlets affiliated with the conservative camp (especially close to the Steadfast Front, Mesbah Yazdi, and Ahmadinejad), the discovery of a listening device installed by security-intelligence agencies in his office, or the attack on him in Shiraz are just two well-known examples of the threats and restrictions imposed on Motahari. However, he has repeatedly stated, 'If I feel that a wrong approach is being institutionalized in the system, I will speak out, regardless of whether it pleases or displeases anyone. If the system is doing something wrong, it should apologize and correct its approach, not insist on the same methods. When a wrong practice becomes a norm, I will criticize it.' Motahari pointed out that some say, 'This is the system's decision, and we should not say anything,' clarifying, 'I do not accept this; what does it mean that this is the system's decision, and we should not say anything? The system's decision may be wrong. Everyone should be able to express their opinion, especially representatives.' With such positions, it can be confidently said that Ali Motahari will be the most distinct candidate in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The number of representatives who will accompany him into the next parliament, and more importantly, how much they will adopt Motahari's clarity, courage, and principled behavior, are important questions that require patience until the composition of the next parliament is determined. Although the tenth parliament will not become 'spring' with one or several 'flowers,' it can provide more opportunities for defending the fundamental rights of Iranian citizens with the presence of Motahari and other outspoken representatives like him. Contemporary Iranian political history has witnessed the presence of representatives (such as Hassan Modarres, Mohammad Mossadegh, Allahyar Saleh, and Mehdi Bazargan) who, despite being few or in a minority, have at least expressed and pursued demands loudly from the parliamentary podium. Ali Motahari has been a spokesperson for part of the civil society's demands in the ninth parliament, and it seems he will continue to play such a role in the next parliament.