All Charges Against the Executive Deputy of a President

Mohammad Baqer Nobakht, the spokesperson for Hassan Rouhani's government, says it is appropriate for the judiciary to explain the reason for the arrest of Hamid Reza Baghaei, the executive deputy of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad during his second term. This comes as Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei, the spokesperson for the judiciary, did not provide an explanation for Mr. Baghaei's arrest on Tuesday. Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei stated on Tuesday when announcing the arrest of Hamid Reza Baghaei that the investigator of Mr. Baghaei's case had summoned him, and a detention order was issued for him shortly before. I am unable to provide details on this matter. On Wednesday, Mohammad Baqer Nobakht, in response to a question during a weekly press conference with reporters, shifted the responsibility to the judiciary, stating that this authority should inform about the existing charges. This lack of transparency regarding the main reason for this arrest has led political observers in Iran to consider various possibilities and list all closed and open cases against Hamid Reza Baghaei. Mehdi Mahdavi Azad in Germany is one of these observers: 'Over the past four years, Mr. Baghaei, whether as the head of the Tourism Organization, as the secretary of the Supreme Council of Free Zones, or as the executive deputy of the president, has been involved in at least eight major and serious economic cases. The most important of these cases, which seems to be the current topic, is the embezzlement and bribery in the free zones, which reached a sharp ultimatum from Ahmadinejad in 2011. Two other cases that have made noise recently include the issue of the Rajai interest-free loan fund, which Mr. Baghaei apparently registered in his name, and the Rouhani government filed a complaint against him a month and a half ago. The other is the sale of 400 billion tomans of oil at the dollar rate of 2013 by the NAJA Cooperation Foundation, which has also had arrests recently. There are two other cases. One is Ahmad Tavakoli's revelation in 2011 about a 450 billion toman violation by Mr. Baghaei, and the other is a complaint from three members of parliament in July 2011 regarding absolutely illegal interventions in government tenders. In the 16 billion toman violation of the Iranian University, which is a small amount for Ahmadinejad's government, Mr. Baghaei's role is evident, and in two other massive cases, one involving Babak Zanjani and the other a 3000 billion toman embezzlement, Mr. Baghaei's name has also been mentioned. All of this unfortunately makes Hamid Baghaei the record holder for the largest unproven charges in Ahmadinejad's radical government.' Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, in the spring of 2011 when cases were opened for his supporters and cabinet members, stated: 'The cabinet is a red line, and if they want to encroach on it, I must fulfill my legal duties.' However, before Hamid Reza Baghaei, Mohammad Reza Rahimi, Ahmadinejad's first deputy during his presidency, was sentenced last winter to over 5 years in prison, a 1 billion toman fine, and 2 billion 850 million tomans in restitution. Following this event, Ahmadinejad did not defend him and stated that Mohammad Reza Rahimi's violations were related to the period before his vice presidency. Kazem Kordavani, a sociologist and political analyst in Germany, says it is unlikely that Ahmadinejad will defend Hamid Reza Baghaei: 'If the statement from one of Ahmadinejad's close associates yesterday, who announced that Baghaei has little to no connection with the office after Ahmadinejad's presidency, is any indication, I believe Ahmadinejad will seek to distance himself from Baghaei.' But can Ahmadinejad revive his political line with such distancing? Mehdi Mahdavi Azad answers this question negatively: 'Among Ahmadinejad's six close allies, one, Mohammad Reza Rahimi, has been arrested. One, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, has not been confirmed for arrest but is in a media coma. One, Mr. Baghaei, has been arrested. One, Saeed Mortazavi, is on the verge of entering Evin prison. One, Mr. Saidlu, is in a media coma, and it is heard that he has been arrested, and one, Mr. Malekzadeh, has officially been arrested. Whatever the reason for these arrests, it means that Ahmadinejad's team and his associates have lost their chance to return to power. This group has been expelled from the regime in the most disgraceful manner possible. Ahmadinejad's appetite for returning to power is, of course, understandable. Naturally, he may still have supporters among the impoverished class of society. However, the message from Mr. Khamenei and the regime to Ahmadinejad is clearer than ever and leaves no room for discussion.' Just as the ink on the news of Hamid Reza Baghaei's arrest had not dried, the current first deputy president of Iran announced the uncertainty regarding the fate of over 100 billion dollars from the sale of companies and factories during the previous government. On Tuesday, Eshaq Jahangiri said, 'God willing, this money has been spent for the advancement of the country.'