All of Hussein Taeb's 'File-Making'

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the former president of Iran, on Sunday, September 25, amidst his conflict with appointees of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the leader of the Islamic Republic, brought Hussein Taeb into the discussion, stating that his art is 'file-making.' Before Ahmadinejad, however, Mehdi Karroubi, reformists, and Ali Motahari had raised this accusation against Taeb, and some believe that the reason for his dismissal from the Deputy Minister of Intelligence was 'file-making' against Mehdi Hashemi, the son of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. In 2005, Taeb was known in Iran's political landscape by the first name 'Meisam' rather than Hussein. He was said to have initially been involved in the campaign of Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf based on a project involving Mojtaba Khamenei, the leader's son, in the presidential elections, and later transferred to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's campaign. Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei also stated that Taeb attempted to become Minister of Intelligence as a representative of the conservative faction in 2005, but Ahmadinejad opposed his appointment. Hussein Taeb was Deputy Minister of Intelligence during Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's administration and reportedly arrested Abbas Yazdanpanah Yazdi, an Iranian-British businessman close to Mehdi Hashemi, and obtained a confession from him against Mr. Rafsanjani's son. Some attribute the abduction of Abbas Yazdanpanah from Dubai to Taeb. Videos of Yazdanpanah's confessions were broadcast years after his arrest and after Mehdi Hashemi's detention by the Tasnim News Agency, affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards. These videos, taken during Hashemi Rafsanjani's presidency, led to Taeb's dismissal from his position in the Ministry of Intelligence. After being sidelined from this security ministry, Taeb came under the protection of the Supreme Leader and took on sensitive positions. He became the head of the Basij Organization and was appointed head of the Intelligence Department of the Revolutionary Guards in October 2009. That same year, this department was transformed into an organization. Taeb played a significant role in suppressing protests against the election results in both of his positions. Mehdi Karroubi also referred to Taeb as 'one of the designers of the Mousavi song show.' After the Mousavi song issue was raised in a film by state television, an interview was conducted with a family whose bride shared the same name as Mousavi, and this family denied her death in the events following the elections. Hussein Taeb and Hussein Shahmardi, figures close to Hassan Khomeini, are sons-in-law of Ali Akbar Hosseini, known as 'Hosseini of ethics in the family.' Hussein Shahmardi was the brother of Mousavi's wife, and Mehdi Karroubi also stated that Taeb knew that this family had a wedding for a bride named Mousavi in Canada. He wrote: 'When you said you were the son-in-law of Mr. Hosseini, I realized the matter and told you right there that I found the missing ring, because I knew that Mr. (Hussein) Taeb - the commander of the Basij Resistance Force - was also Mr. Hosseini's son-in-law and I told you that you were Mr. Taeb's brother-in-law, which you confirmed. Therefore, I realized that Mr. Taeb was one of the designers of the Mousavi song show.' After the deterioration of relations between Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Ayatollah Khamenei, the Intelligence Organization of the Revolutionary Guards arrested close associates of Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei and Hamid Baqai, and it was after their arrests that Ahmadinejad referred to these two cabinet members as his 'red line.' Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei stated that the 'file-making project' against him and Ahmadinejad's associates was initiated in 2011 by both the Ministry of Intelligence and the Revolutionary Guards' Intelligence Organization, with Taeb being responsible. He also mentioned that Taeb met with Baqai and asked him to confess to espionage. After the 2013 presidential elections, the Revolutionary Guards' Intelligence Organization arrested close associates of Hassan Rouhani, including Hossein Fereydoun. Before Fereydoun's arrest, the Revolutionary Guards had arrested Ali Rastgar, the former CEO of Bank Mellat. Subsequently, Mohammad Ali Jafari, the commander of the Revolutionary Guards, accused Rastgar of being a member of an economic 'corruption network' that 'some politicians' were also part of. Before Rastgar's arrest, Taeb had stated that the Revolutionary Guards' Intelligence Organization 'would, as in the past, address major economic corruption cases in the country' and 'currently has serious cases on its agenda.' The Revolutionary Guards' Intelligence Organization, during Taeb's management, has repeatedly positioned itself publicly against the Ministry of Intelligence. The arrest of 12 managers of Telegram channels close to the government and reformists, one of whom was said to be the admin of the Minister of Intelligence's Telegram channel, was among these public conflicts. The Revolutionary Guards' Intelligence Organization also continues to label Abdolrasoul Dori Isfahani and environmental activists as 'spies' despite their being declared innocent by the Ministry of Intelligence. This security agency also provided films of Dori Isfahani to Jawad Karimi Qodosi, a representative from Mashhad, to be played during a session questioning Mohammad Javad Zarif. Although Taeb is still the head of the Revolutionary Guards' Intelligence Organization, in 2016, Hussein Najat was appointed as the deputy head of the Revolutionary Guards' Intelligence Organization. This event can be seen as a sign of the diminishing complete power of Taeb within this organization. Hussein Najat is a trusted figure of the Supreme Leader, who has also been responsible for his protection for a while. Some link Najat's appointment to the arrest of several managers of the Revolutionary Guards' Intelligence Organization on charges of espionage for Israel. However, some attribute the arrest of Reza Golpour on charges of espionage for Israel to Taeb settling scores with him. Now, after a long silence, Taeb's name has come up again. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's direct reference to Hussein Taeb's name may be a threat implying that he will say more about Taeb. However, these threats are unlikely to have a serious impact on the status of Ahmadinejad's associates' cases.