Are Economic Problems Important for the 'Principlists'?

The discussion of economic problems is a hot and important topic that candidates for the Islamic Consultative Assembly, especially the 'Principlists', are addressing. A press conference held by the Grand Coalition of Principlists, featuring six candidates for parliamentary representation under the title 'Livelihood and Progress, the Foundation of the Tenth Parliament', was one of these efforts. According to what has been published from this meeting in the media, issues such as water, the environment, organizing pension funds, investment in energy, housing, employment, and reforming the banking system are among the main topics prioritized by the candidates of the Grand Coalition of Principlists. These topics, which represent a basket of various promises, were also accompanied by sharp criticism of the government and lacked prioritization in the economic sense. Furthermore, no details were published regarding how these candidates plan to solve issues such as those related to the environment or pension funds, or how to invest in energy. Therefore, the discussion of these issues remains at a general level and emphasizes resistant economy. What is referred to as a resistant economy consists of vague generalities that can be interpreted in various ways and lacks practical applicability. The reality of Iran's economy is defined by the structure of its economy, which is a quasi-capitalist economy on the margins of the global economy, centered around the state, characterized by externality and inwardness. These features determine the fate of this economy. Plans that are drafted on paper may appear attractive, but they cannot transform this structure in the medium term. It can be said that the most prominent issues raised by these candidates are criticisms of the current government's policies, such as regarding economic opening to the world or inviting foreign enterprises to Iran. This was not the only economic meeting of the Grand Coalition of 'Principlists'; a press conference titled 'Economic Recession and Housing' was also held by the 'Principlists', where government policies were criticized. Additionally, Mohammad Nazemi Ardekani, a member of the Grand Coalition of 'Principlists' in Tehran, stated in this press conference on 'Economic Recession and Housing' to show that economic issues are of great importance to the electoral candidates of the 'Principlists': 'There is no economist in the list of reformist candidates to confront the conditions of recession and inflation, while the Principlist coalition has ten economists.' From both theoretical and practical perspectives, the economic discourse of these candidates can be examined. What is presented by these candidates as a program and plan is not the product of long-term independent party work. Rather, individuals with various backgrounds have gathered their criticisms of the government and labeled it as a program. The issues raised by these representatives lack theoretical and conceptual coherence; although they accuse the government of implementing liberal economic policies, they do not specify what type of economic discourse they themselves hold. From an executive perspective, it should also be emphasized that these parliamentary candidates held positions in the previous government and largely represent the same slogans, while the record of the previous government in various fields is clear. Although one cannot deny the economic problems, whether structural or short-term and daily, in Iran, addressing these problems in a situation where the 'Principlists' do not hold the presidency and in the days leading up to the parliamentary and Assembly of Experts elections carries a specific semantic weight. This prioritization of economic issues contradicts the previous statements of 'Principlist' leaders and the discursive lines drawn by the Supreme Leader. It is not hidden that Ali Khamenei has previously stated: 'Culture is more important than the economy. Why? Because culture is the air we breathe; you inevitably breathe air, whether you want to or not; if this air is clean, it has effects on your body; if this air is dirty, it has other effects.' Haddad Adel, a follower and relative of Ali Khamenei, who once presided over the seventh parliament, has said: 'Some think that our way out of economic problems is to compromise a bit on culture, but economic problems cannot be solved by compromising on culture.' These views are neither new nor surprising. Misbah Yazdi had said much earlier: 'Saving from godlessness is more important than saving from poverty.' He had expressed this sentiment elsewhere: 'If our main problem were the economy and materialism, then it would have been better if we had not revolted; because at that time, the Iranian nation was not facing any sanctions and had no nuclear energy problems, and now we would be in a more advanced situation, as contracts for the nuclear industry had been signed and were being implemented since then.' Misbah Yazdi had also posed the dichotomy of religion and stomach, asking: 'Is working for the religion of the people more important or for their stomachs?' He had addressed the President of the eleventh government, saying: 'Some say that we are responsible for the bread of the people, not their religion; and even if someone asks why a film that is against morality is not banned, he says that since it has many viewers, it cannot be banned; while the Islamic government is responsible for the religion, ethics, and culture of the people.' What emerges from the overall behavior and discourse of the 'Principlists' is a kind of duality and shift. Although the leaders of this 'Principlist' movement emphasize the priority of cultural issues over economic ones, economic problems become significant during election time. In other words, it seems that although the main concern of the 'Principlists' lies within what is called culture, when it comes to gathering votes and connecting with voters, suddenly economic problems become their main issue. Such duality and shifting priorities have been experienced before in Iran and even in other countries. In other countries, this kind of electoral behavior is often described as populist and demagogic. In the context of populist behavior, economic problems become important for a political movement when they can be used as a tool to challenge an electoral rival.