Arrest of the President's Brother

The newspaper 'Qanoon' reported on its front page that 'Hosseyn Fereydoun was arrested without resistance or pressure from the President' and emphasized that 'the law is Rouhani's red line.' According to this newspaper, 'the news of the arrest of Hosseyn Fereydoun, the brother of the President, due to some financial ambiguities was published while not long ago Hamid Baghaei, one of Ahmadinejad's deputies, was also arrested. These two arrests in a short time can lead to various analyses among experts, but if we want to look at these two events more broadly, we can discuss and examine the behavior of the two presidents regarding the judiciary's treatment of their close associates.' The newspaper recalled that 'silences and quarrels were only part of Ahmadinejad's reaction to some actions against his associates,' writing: 'It is not forgotten that Ahmadinejad called the cabinet a red line during one of the government sessions and said that if they wanted to interfere, then I would have to perform my legal duty, which would harm the country.' However, this newspaper noted that Hassan Rouhani had said during the elections that 'in the matter of corruption, we must fight it without any consideration or red lines' and 'why do you accuse and slander without reason? We have not made a pact with anyone. Anyone who has committed an offense must be punished severely.' The newspaper 'Bahaar' on its front page on Monday titled 'Leader at Azad University' wrote: 'Although the news was short, it was not simple; in the latest action from the new officials of Azad University to further politicize the legacy of Ayatollah Hashemi, Farhad Rahbar, who was a supporter and advisor to Ebrahim Raisi in the recent presidential election, was introduced as the new president of this university by the Board of Trustees to the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution.' According to this newspaper, 'in the work history of (Farhad) Rahbar, the new president of Azad University, who was born in 1960 in Semnan, he served as the economic deputy of the Ministry of Intelligence and the head of the Management Organization during Ahmadinejad's government. He also held the presidency of Tehran University for six years during the 9th and 10th governments from 2007 to 2013.' The newspaper 'Hamdel' evaluated the appointment of Farhad Rahbar as the head of Azad University as 'the return of a military manager to the university' and wrote: 'Farhad Rahbar, the man of military management, who even Mahmoud Ahmadinejad considered with that background and management to be security-oriented and politicized, has taken the helm of the university recognized as the largest in-person university in the world.' This newspaper wrote: 'The news of the appointment of the head of Azad University by the Board of Trustees of this university was as important to academics as the news of his dismissal from Tehran University. Perhaps if on Sunday the head of the Expediency Discernment Council was determined after months of waiting, no one would have been as astonished as the appointment of Farhad Rahbar at the head of Azad University.' 'Hamdel' recalled that on the day Farhad Rahbar was dismissed from the presidency of Tehran University with the coming of Hassan Rouhani's government, 'as he was packing his personal belongings from the presidency office of Tehran University, the students of that university celebrated so much that they shared sweets and chocolates among themselves' because 'they were saying goodbye to someone who wanted to impose uniformity on the students like the military.' This newspaper wrote that even Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had issued the order for Farhad Rahbar's dismissal from the presidency of Tehran University during his government, but 'only one student did not accept this change, and that was Kamran Daneshjoo, Ahmadinejad's Minister of Science, who did not comply with his letter for Rahbar's dismissal (at that time).' 'Hamdel' emphasized that during Farhad Rahbar's six-year presidency at Tehran University from 2007 to 2013, 'the forced dismissal and retirement of some prominent professors, the creation of a military atmosphere and self-censorship, and the allocation of budgets to certain individuals based on political preferences were among his other accusations.' The newspaper 'Arman' dedicated its front page photo to Hosseyn Fereydoun, the brother of Hassan Rouhani, and with the headline 'Arrest of the President's Brother' wrote: 'On Sunday, the spokesperson of the judiciary announced that Hosseyn Fereydoun has been transferred to prison.' This newspaper, while referring to the statement of Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei that 'the case of the President's brother is not related to bank debts and is about financial issues,' emphasized that 'this statement is a refutation of the claims of the government's opponents who have tried hard in recent months to pretend that Hosseyn Fereydoun has many bank debts and to substantiate their claims, they have created a connection between the President's brother and Rasoul Daniyalzadeh, claiming that he is Daniyalzadeh's partner in his accusations.' Simultaneously, Mohammad Sadegh Javadihesar, a reformist political activist, wrote in the editorial of 'Arman' about 'the reasons for the pressure on the President': 'In recent days, the pressures on the President are undeniable, but despite all this, Hassan Rouhani has the readiness and capacity to overcome these pressures and stresses' and 'he knows well that the volume of pressure that began in the last elections is still ongoing and will manifest itself in other ways.' The editorial writer of 'Arman' pointed out that 'part of this pressure is manifested in opposition to some of the government's programs, such as the Total contract, and motivated critics have come to the field to weaken the government and show a strong hand to the government on the verge of forming the twelfth cabinet,' writing: 'The pressure from some others on the government is for the President to consider them in the selection of the forces of the twelfth government and for individuals to be employed who will have maximum tolerance and accommodation with the opposing current.' Mohammad Sadegh Javadihesar emphasized that 'these pressures are not due to the power of the government's opponents, but rather indicate their weakness, as they know that if things continue as usual, they will have the least role in the next government.' The newspaper 'Sharq' with the headline 'Fereydoun in Prison' wrote: 'The spokesperson of the judiciary confirmed the news of Hosseyn Fereydoun's arrest, stating that 'a decision was issued for him on Sunday, and since this decision is a bail decision and has not been secured, he has been introduced to prison, and if this bail is secured, he will be released.' Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei emphasized that 'the issued decision is not a temporary arrest decision,' and he was unaware of the amount of bail, stating: 'I have not seen it, but I know that the decision is with bail and this case is about financial issues, but it is not about bank debts.' This newspaper, in a note titled 'From Sarakhe to Evin,' wrote: 'Hosseyn Fereydoun is known as the 'eye and ear of his brother' or 'the man in the shadow of the government.' On September 6, 2013, he received an order from his brother: 'Considering your commitment, executive ability, and managerial background, you are appointed as the special assistant to the President for executive affairs.' However, this order 'from the time of its issuance, brought criticism and accusations for Fereydoun and caused anxieties for Rouhani until the days of the electoral competitions in May this year and the days after the elections.' 'Sharq' pointed out that Hosseyn Fereydoun 'has been seen less alongside his brother these days,' writing: 'From the time he entered the government, accusations of his involvement in financial corruption have poured in from principlist figures and media. Supporters of the government said that the aim of these accusations is political and an attack on the President, while Rouhani's critics accused him of preventing justice by supporting his brother.' This newspaper wrote that 'now Fereydoun has been summoned, and the silence of his brother about him has not yet been broken; whether he is silent or is forced to remain silent to avoid escalating the political atmosphere. The silence and lack of support from Rouhani for Fereydoun is exactly what the hardliners, although they wanted it on the surface, do not seem to actually enjoy. They are looking to open a new front and increase tensions, and Rouhani's calmness in the face of judicial proceedings regarding his brother's case certainly takes this opportunity away from them.' Newspapers close to the principlist faction have published the news of Hosseyn Fereydoun's arrest with different headlines and titles. The newspaper 'Kayhan' wrote on its front page: 'The spokesperson of the judiciary announced the arrest of Hosseyn Fereydoun,' but the newspaper 'Javan,' close to the Revolutionary Guards, preferred to dedicate the statements of the judiciary spokesperson with a headline about the issuance of a 10-year prison sentence for 'Zhi Yu Wang,' a Chinese-American citizen and historian, to 10 years in prison in Iran, and only wrote under the subtitle of this report: 'Hosseyn Fereydoun did not secure the bail and was introduced to prison.' The newspaper 'Vatan-e Emruz,' close to the Front of Steadfastness, published this news on its front page and wrote: 'Perhaps just last week when Ayatollah Amoli Larijani, the head of the judiciary, emphasized that the judiciary does not recognize red lines in dealing with economic offenders, some considered this statement merely a position in defense of the independence of the judiciary. However, it seems that this statement by the chief judge was a precursor to the arrest of another big fish. Big fish who have felt no safe haven for themselves for several years. One of these big fish is Hosseyn Fereydoun, the controversial brother of Hassan Rouhani. The wait is over, and Hosseyn Fereydoun was imprisoned on Sunday, July 24, 2017.' The newspaper 'Etemad' in a report titled 'Captain Farzaneh Sharafbafi Assigned to Reconstruct Homa' wrote: 'For the first time, a woman has taken the helm of the only state airline of Iran, Homa.' According to this newspaper, 'although some report the uncertainty of Farzaneh Sharafbafi's presidency over the Islamic Republic of Iran Airlines, on Sunday, Farhad Parvaresh, who has packed his bags to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), held a farewell ceremony for himself and the introduction of Ms. Sharafbafi in the presence of the Minister of Roads and Urban Development and the Deputy Minister, to show that he no longer has time to stay in Iran, and Homa must now cope with its new caretaker or perhaps new CEO.' 'Etemad' pointed out that 'Farzaneh Sharafbafi has a top rank in mechanical engineering and holds a PhD in aerospace from Sharif University' and previously 'was a member of the board of directors of Homa,' while also holding responsibilities such as 'Director General of Research and Human Resource Development of Homa, Head of the Training and Human Resource Development Center of Homa, Senior Quality Assurance in Engineering and Maintenance of Homa, and also Secretary of the Scientific Association of Air Transport of Iran, and as of July 20, she has officially become the new caretaker of the Islamic Republic of Iran Airlines (Iran Air).' The newspaper 'Qanoon' in a note titled 'Decliners' wrote: 'We remember that some individuals who had tattoos on their bodies faced problems for employment in specific sports complexes and institutions, and they were treated as if they had committed a grave sin or were infected with a contagious disease, but it seems that the founders of this kind of thinking have been transformed, and to remain in power, they have no choice but to use yesterday's vices and turn them into today's virtues.' This newspaper referred to the simultaneous presence of principlist figures and Amir Tataloo at the ceremony marking the first anniversary of the launch of 'Fars Plus,' affiliated with the Fars News Agency, as a symbol of the 'decline' of this faction, writing that a range of principlists brought 'Amir Hossein Maqsoudloo, who has entered the political world with their leader Ebrahim Raisi, among themselves. Tataloo, who was once presented as a symbol of decadence and cultural invasion by the elders of this very thought, has now become a symbol of resistance for these individuals.' 'Qanoon' also emphasized that 'the owners of scissors and guns have joined hands with a person who has tattooed ugly images on his body, and their only common ground is opposition to Rouhani and friendship with Raisi,' writing that this current 'is trying to practically implement a soft overthrow of Rouhani in society.'