The newspaper Etemad reported on Saturday that chants of 'Death to the hypocrite' were directed at the Deputy President in Yazd. According to Hossein Ali Amiri, the parliamentary deputy of Hassan Rouhani, during the Friday prayer in Yazd, 'they attacked me with prayer beads and a prayer stone.' The newspaper noted the 'efforts of hardliners to disrupt the speech of the parliamentary deputy of the President during the Friday prayer in Yazd.' Amiri stated, 'While I was speaking at the Friday prayer in Yazd, when I mentioned the support of the people of Yazd for the government and outlined the government's achievements, I emphasized that the President is committed to his promises to the people, someone came to the podium and started chanting, but I continued my speech. Another person joined the one chanting, and their numbers kept increasing, but I completed my remarks and did not allow my speech to be interrupted.' Amiri mentioned that 'when I finished my speech and was coming down from the podium, a few people threw prayer beads at me, which fortunately did not hit me; only one person threw a prayer stone at me, which I caught and put in my pocket, and upon returning to the airport, I handed the prayer beads to the governor and said to return it to its owner.' Amiri pointed out that 'I have always been in a position of judgment in my responsibilities, whether in the judiciary or the Guardian Council, and I am currently among the judges of the Supreme Court.' He added, 'I think the anger and frustration of this group is not directed at me personally but rather at the successes of the government that they are upset about, leading them to take such actions.' Amiri told Etemad that 'my presence at the Friday prayer was as an official, and these individuals disrupted the order of a formal session and created disorder, failing to maintain the sanctity of the Friday prayer and the Friday prayer leader. Therefore, this issue has a public aspect, and we must wait and see whether judicial officials will pursue this matter, but I will not file a personal complaint against anyone.' Fatemeh Rakeei, a reformist political activist, noted in a commentary in the Arman newspaper that 'the fear of these disruptors has dissipated, and they feel no concern about such behaviors, as in the past, such actions have gone unanswered and legally unresolved.' The columnist referred to the disruption of speeches by figures such as Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Ali Larijani in Qom and the attack on Ali Motahari in Shiraz, stating, 'People demand the rule of law over the entire society, and when they see that individuals with political intentions disrupt public order but are not seriously confronted, they become disheartened.' Furthermore, 'if we do not prevent the recurrence of such deviant behaviors in society, it will be impossible to stop lawlessness in the future and prevent the continuation of immorality in society.' For this reason, 'the eleventh government, which is headed by a thoughtful jurist, is expected to adopt measures to end these behaviors, establish ethics, and prevent a group from trampling on ethics and law under any pretext.' Simultaneously, Mohammad Atrianfar, a senior member of the Kargozaran Sazandegi Party, told Arman that 'the will that rejected Hashemi is seeking to eliminate Rouhani.' According to Atrianfar, 'some are trying to make Mr. Rouhani the first one-term president in the history of the Islamic Republic. It seems that the will that prevented Mr. Hashemi from the presidential elections in 2013 is now seeking to eliminate Mr. Rouhani from the political management scene and make his government a one-term administration.' Ahmad Gholami, in the editorial of the Shargh newspaper titled 'Revolution from the Right,' attempts to analyze the behavior and performance of the opponents of the eleventh government, showing that 'they are more concerned with their own interests and those of the so-called principlists than with the people's interests; thus, their emphasis on the people takes on a specific meaning. They are trying to shape a society composed of specific people.' The editorial writer of Shargh emphasized that serious theorists of principlism 'are seeking to theorize the experience of eight years of war in politics,' stating, 'The goal of the collective based on specificity is that principlists know that only in revolutionary and wartime conditions can they expect that level of unwavering political commitment from the people.' The Shargh newspaper noted the attacks of principlist media on Hassan Rouhani's government, stating that they 'harmoniously exaggerate the mistakes of the eleventh government in a concert and sometimes distort its economic statistical realities,' writing, 'If the revolution that began from the right continues its attacks, we will undoubtedly face a wounded government that, after the inflicted wounds, will be so weak and listless that it will prepare the ground for the emergence of another Ahmadinejad, albeit in a different form.' The Hamdeli newspaper has a front-page report about 'the criticism of Friday prayer leaders regarding the request for lifting house arrest,' stating that on the third of Dey, 'the two main speakers of Friday prayers in Tehran and some Friday prayer leaders in other cities addressed the requests for lifting house arrest.' Among them, Kazem Sedighi, 'the Friday prayer leader of Tehran, said that some benefit from saying that the house arrest should be lifted. The Friday prayer leader of Isfahan also said that the leaders of the sedition are currently enjoying themselves in their homes.' This newspaper noted that the house arrest of 'Mir Hossein Mousavi, Zahra Rahnavard, and Mehdi Karroubi' began on February 14, 2011, stating, 'It has been about six years since then. During this time, especially after the Rouhani government took office, part of the reformist community and politicians of this faction and some members of parliament have called for the lifting of house arrest. Ali Motahari was among those who have always criticized this issue in recent years, and in his latest position on this matter, he said that along with some representatives, they intend to meet with the Supreme Leader and the detained individuals.' Furthermore, Mohammad Reza Aref, the head of the Hope faction in the tenth parliament, expressed hope three days ago in a gathering of students at universities in Kerman that 'he would hear good news about lifting house arrest in the month of Rabi al-Awwal,' and now 'these very statements' have provoked reactions from Friday prayer leaders. The Javan newspaper, close to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, has also highlighted the statements of Mojtaba Zolnour, the former deputy representative of the Supreme Leader in this force, in a report about opposition to 'lifting house arrest,' quoting this current member of the National Security Commission of the tenth parliament as saying: 'Lifting house arrest does not mean freedom.' According to this newspaper, Mojtaba Zolnour, in his remarks before the Friday prayer sermons this week in Tehran, introduced the candidates who protested the 2009 elections as 'leaders of sedition' and stated: 'If Islamic justice is to be applied to the leaders of sedition, nothing less than several executions awaits them, and today the house arrest of the leaders of sedition is a sign of Islamic clemency, not an injustice against them, because if the house arrest is lifted, the alternative to it is not freedom, and with all these crimes against the people and the regime, there is no alternative but execution.' The Shahrvand newspaper reported that on Friday, 'a 27-year-old man attacked his former father-in-law's house in the village of Jahanabad in Faharj, Kerman, creating a bloodbath,' and 'in a brutal act, he shot members of his wife's family,' resulting in '10 deaths and 5 injuries, with the condition of two of the injured being critical.' This newspaper noted that 'the son-in-law shooter has fled to an unknown location, and the police are searching for traces of this criminal man,' reporting that Abouzar Davarian, the head of the general court of Faharj County, confirmed the news of the '10 deaths' during this shooting, stating: 'The killer, around 5 to 6 PM on the second of Dey, went to his father-in-law's house, who was also his wife's uncle, and killed him. The killer then entered the house and shot all the people inside except for his wife, and since some neighbors had also come inside to visit a sick person, the death toll increased.' Abouzar Davarian also mentioned the main motive behind this 'familial crime,' stating: 'The killer is a 27-year-old man with a criminal record' who 'has had multiple marital disputes since the beginning of his marriage with his wife, and the main motive and reason for this crime stem from these family disputes that the killer had with his wife and her family.' The head of the general court of Faharj County also stated about the identity of the victims of this incident: 'In this tragic incident, 10 people, including the father, mother, several children, and neighbors of the family were killed, and four people were sent to Pasteur Hospital in Bam for treatment.' The Qanoon newspaper has reported on the legal and judicial perspective regarding the treatment of models and modeling in recent months, quoting Ali Najafi Tavana, a lawyer, stating: 'My taste, yours, and the judge's taste do not determine whether people are criminals,' and 'in the discussion of modeling, we must adhere to social norms. If a made-up face and dyed hair on a virtual page are considered a crime one day, we should increase the number of arrests every day. In this area, intervention can only occur when obscene images (in the legally defined sense) are circulated among individuals in the virtual space, and relevant forces, without intending to inspect and monitor, accidentally become aware of such a collection that promotes unethical teachings.' This lawyer and legal expert emphasized that 'one cannot invade individuals' privacy based on hijab or improper hijab and fabricate crimes by prying into their lives,' telling the Qanoon newspaper: 'If communications and contacts between a few individuals do not fall under the general definition and do not hurt public feelings and thoughts, law enforcement and judicial forces should not intervene in that extent at all.' However, 'if the scope of police and judicial intervention increases, they may also intrude into phone calls and private conversations, which approach is both unconstitutional and against ordinary laws.' Mohammad Ali Esfahani, a former member of the Islamic Consultative Assembly and a judge, emphasized that 'the term private cannot be accepted in situations where a page has, for example, over a thousand members.' He stated: 'Social norms do not accept that a page with a thousand members can be considered private, even if it appears so. Essentially, the profession of modeling gains meaning through public visibility because the clothing must be displayed to the public. Therefore, it cannot be regarded as a private matter.' The Vaghaye Etefaghieh newspaper dedicated its front page to 'the girls of the Shainabad school' and their accounts of old wounds and new pains four years after the fire at the 'Islamic Revolution' school, writing: 'Pain has grown alongside the Shainabadi girls.' On December 6, 2012, due to a fire caused by a leaking heater in the fourth-grade classroom of the Islamic Revolution school in the Shainabad village of Piranshahr, 28 female students suffered severe burns, and two of them, named 'Siran Yeganeh and Sarina Rasoulzadeh,' lost their lives due to the burns. The Shainabadi girls, who have suffered severe burn consequences from this fire for four years, told Vaghaye Etefaghieh about that fire: 'We were in Quran class; we saw our heater had a problem, and the janitor was trying to fix it. He poured one can of oil into the heater and placed another can beside the window. The teacher came to the class and saw the heater had a problem. One of the students was sent to get a cloth, and suddenly a terrifying noise came from the heater.' They said: 'We were scared and ran toward the door, but our teacher told us to sit down and that there was nothing wrong. We were very scared of her; we listened to her, and suddenly the class caught fire. As soon as the class caught fire, our teacher went outside. She stood outside the class and laughed at us from behind the window.' After that, 'we were half an hour in the class burning, and one of the girls who had gone outside brought help, and people used shovels and picks to break down the fences, and we managed to get out. When we went to the hospital, there were so few facilities that many of the girls were sleeping on the floor. Sara and Sira also died.' The Etemad newspaper dedicated its front page to Ali Shakouri Rad, the Secretary-General of the Iran Islamic Unity Party, who told this newspaper: 'The Unity Party is not a continuation of the Participation Party,' and 'I wish we did not worry the higher levels of the government with our activities.' The Shahrvand newspaper also dedicated its front page to the worsening air pollution in Tehran, reporting with the headline 'The Mask of Pollution on Winter's Face' that 'the air quality in Tehran has reached unhealthy levels,' and on Saturday 'all elementary and preschool schools in Tehran are closed.' Kayhan, with the headline 'Zarif's Honest Confession, Water in the Nest of the Beautifiers of the JCPOA,' wrote: 'Following the publication of Zarif's remarks in last Tuesday's National Security Commission meeting, in which he explicitly admitted his mistakes regarding the JCPOA and nuclear negotiations, various comments were made by representatives and media, but what was common in all reactions was the explicit or implicit confirmation of the statements attributed to Zarif while simultaneously casting doubt on the validity of the actions of the representative of Mashhad in publishing these remarks.' The Tamashagaran Emruz newspaper, which published its third issue on Saturday, January 4, dedicated its headline and front page to a report about 'Fire and Dread in the Sky of the Capital,' stating: 'Around 10 AM on Friday, the sound of an explosion caught the attention of the people of Tehran. This sound was heard in the streets around Enghelab Square. Eyewitnesses each believed that the sound came from a street, but ultimately the Khatam al-Anbiya Air Defense Headquarters of the Army issued a statement.
Attack with Prayer Beads and a Prayer Stone on Hassan Rouhani's Deputy in Yazd
During a Friday prayer in Yazd, Hossein Ali Amiri, Deputy of Hassan Rouhani, faced chants of 'Death to the hypocrite' and was attacked with prayer beads and a prayer stone. This incident reflects the ongoing tensions between hardliners and the Rouhani administration, raising concerns about public order and political dissent in Iran.
👥 Key Players
⚡ Actions
📰 What Happened
Protesters attacked Hassan Rouhani's Deputy with prayer beads during Friday prayers in Yazd.
- Protesters attack Hossein Ali Amiri
- Hardliners disrupt Hassan Rouhani's Deputy
- Hossein Ali Amiri complain Judicial officials
💡 Why It Matters
📚 Background
The attack on Rouhani's deputy underscores the challenges faced by the Iranian government.
📝 Key Evidence
🏷️ Entities Mentioned
Translated from the original and edited for English readers. View original source →
Translation confidence: 85%