Behind the Scenes of Satellite Jamming as Narrated by a Former Member of the Islamic Consultative Assembly

The Iranian government resorted to various methods in the 1970s and 1980s to counter satellite technology, from sending jamming signals from meat transport vehicles to raiding satellite dishes and sending jamming signals to the source of satellite waves from Cuba. However, not much information about the behind-the-scenes of these matters has leaked out. Although this issue is not a concern for the people today, revisiting it, especially from the perspective of someone who was involved at the time as a member of parliament and deputy chairman of the Communications Commission, can somewhat reflect the roots of the government's digital authoritarianism in Iran. 'Layer Seven,' alongside addressing current issues in the field of information technology and digital rights, seeks to gather a brief oral history of censorship and digital resistance. In the sixth episode and the first part of this series, we have spoken with Ali Akbar Mousavi Khoeini, a researcher at a university in Washington, who was the deputy chairman of the Communications and Telecommunications Commission during the sixth term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. In this conversation, Mousavi Khoeini refers to details behind the scenes of the use of jamming methods that were directly implemented by security forces and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. According to Ali Akbar Mousavi, the Frequency Administration of the Ministry of Communications in the 1980s monitored the source of these jamming signals using devices mounted on vehicles. After investigating this issue, they reported to Mohammad Khatami, the former president of Iran, the National Security Council, and the sixth parliament, stating that 'military institutions, namely the IRGC, are behind this jamming.' Mousavi Khoeini emphasizes that the IRGC was sending these jamming signals from several fixed locations such as Pardisan Park, Jamaran, and a cement factory in southern Tehran towards antennas and high points. Interestingly, they had also commissioned 'meat trucks' to carry out this task. The Ministry of Communications later discovered that these vehicles contained telecommunication equipment that directed signals towards densely populated apartments with satellite dishes on their roofs, seemingly targeting the people directly. Mousavi Khoeini notes that there are standards, prohibitions, and strict regulations worldwide regarding the levels and intensity of radiation and the distance of radiation from living beings. However, according to Mousavi, military forces disregarded these health-related laws, 'coming right next to the people and shooting towards the rooftops.' He mentions that representatives and the Communications Committee of the parliament made significant efforts to convince them that this approach was wrong in terms of health and information dissemination, but they were told, 'We do not take orders from the parliament and the government; we have the commander-in-chief and work under his supervision.' Later, through Mousavi Khoeini's follow-ups and interviews regarding the source of these jamming signals, the continuous transmission of them was halted for a while. However, according to this former parliament member, 'after a while, reports sent by the public to the parliament indicated that these jamming signals were intermittent and disrupted people's mental health. We realized that the meat trucks were sometimes present and sometimes not. Then we discovered that these jamming signals were not only occurring in Tehran but throughout the country, and we understood that the source of the satellite was targeted from outside Iran because if it had originated inside Iran, the Ministry of Communications could have located it.' This digital rights activist further emphasizes that persistent follow-ups revealed that the source of these jamming signals was in Cuba: 'Fidel Castro stated that there was nothing in this country. However, when pressed, and the parliament also warned the then Foreign Minister, Mr. Kharrazi, that this action was not right and not good for Iran's reputation, they followed up, and it turned out to be true that security agencies outside the embassy were sending these jamming signals from areas near Havana. Fidel Castro himself was embarrassed by this story, retracted his denial, and announced that he had expelled these individuals from Cuba, and that censorship story was halted in that period.' Looking at the trend of jamming satellites resembles the multifaceted approach of the government towards the internet in Iran; a method that reduces bandwidth, makes the internet expensive, and disrupts foreign traffic. The lie of 'fighting cultural invasion' Mousavi Khoeini, in another part of his conversation with 'Layer Seven,' discusses people's access to satellites in Iran and the issue raised in the sixth parliament regarding the representatives' request for satellite liberalization, stating that the government's intent behind filtering and blocking people's access to the internet and satellites was to prevent access to spaces that provided free information to the public, and claims such as fighting cultural invasion were nothing but lies. 'People thought that one of their independent means of information at that time was satellite. The government cited cultural invasion as the reason for its crackdown on satellites and raids, which was among the leadership's concerns. We [in the sixth parliament] said, fine, if the issue is only cultural and related to so-called pornographic films, it is clear that society and families also want certain restrictions for their children, just as we have legal ages of 13 and 18 worldwide. We suggested that those who have cultural concerns be sent as a delegation to Islamic countries like Malaysia to see what actions they have taken regarding satellites, given that they also have cultural concerns. Delegations from the broadcasting organization and the Ministry of Culture and other organizations with such concerns were sent to those countries, and visits were made. After they returned from the trip, I remember that at that time, we asked Mr. Zargami, who is now the Minister of Cultural Heritage and was then the parliamentary advisor to the broadcasting organization, how the trip went. He said, yes, there are technical methods in those countries; for example, one of them is a delay mechanism - they would create a delay if they wanted to censor certain scenes - but people legally used satellites.' This former parliament member points out that even in the law, the parliament had allowed the broadcasting organization itself to be responsible for satellite dishes, and methods from Islamic countries could be applied. However, after the satellite law was passed in parliament, the Guardian Council opposed it. When satellites saved thousands of lives Mousavi Khoeini, in another part of this conversation, refers to the importance of free information flow, mentioning a case where, due to satellite use, the lives of thousands of Iranians were saved. 'Behind the mountains of Tehran, near Lavasan and where it reaches the Latian Dam, there are rivers along which buildings were constructed and still exist. The IRGC's affiliated agencies had built mass housing there. A citizen had contacted one of the Los Angeles networks, saying that he had seen that the sewage treatment of these houses was not functioning and that their sewage was directly flowing into the river, which ultimately leads to the Latian Dam. Just that one phone call from that citizen via the satellite network saved thousands of lives. If this call had to go through the broadcasting organization, it would certainly have been blocked and not aired. However, follow-ups ultimately confirmed that this citizen's claim was correct, and the sewage issues were addressed. Mousavi Khoeini's time in the Islamic Consultative Assembly dates back to a period we can refer to as the 'era of the emergence of the internet' in Iran. However, since the internet was not widespread at that time, society did not have much sensitivity regarding the provision of the internet and related news. But today, looking back at the events of those years and the legislative process, we realize that the government has been seeking a project of monopolizing infrastructure and controlling the provision of the internet in Iran from the very beginning. In another part of his conversation with 'Layer Seven,' Mousavi Akbar refers to the government's monopolistic tendencies regarding mobile phones, stating that the government did not even allow the use of 'modems' in people's homes, and parliament members had to impeach the Minister of Communications to address monopolistic practices. 'I was one of the impeachers. We brought the minister to parliament to explain this matter. During this time, I personally realized that Mr. Haddad Adel, who was the head of the minority faction and had a familial relationship with the leadership, privately expressed the dissatisfaction of the leadership's office regarding this impeachment. I said this is not a personal issue; it is a matter of people's rights.' In response to Mousavi's approach, Haddad Adel ominously informed him that some institutions (the IRGC) believe that he has personal interests in opposing this request from the leadership. 'I said if such a thing exists, please let them investigate and publish the documents because I am sure on my part and that of my close associates that there is no personal connection in the form of direct or indirect companies from myself or my close relatives. If there is, publish these.' Mousavi Khoeini continues this conversation by noting that ultimately, the parliament succeeded in lifting the monopoly on the use of mobile phones and ISPs, stating, 'Licenses were granted to about a thousand cafes and ISPs and ICPs, and these matters were established in the budget and in the country.' Twenty years after that incident, although this technological ecosystem in Iran has become significantly larger and more complex, the desire for monopoly among the rulers of the Islamic Republic has not diminished at all, and the goals that were pursued at that time in parliament are now being realized through appointed institutions such as the Supreme Council of Cyberspace and a parliament aligned with the government. From the establishment of a national information network to the desire to confiscate startups, all indicate that the government's inclination towards monopoly, oversight, and surveillance of the daily activities of the people in the technology sector is insatiable. In this environment, which does not present a bright outlook, our hope always lies with civil activists in Iran, especially digital rights activists and individuals who work without any recognition or expectations and strive to prevent the construction of a thick digital wall by the government that disrupts the free flow of information between the residents of Iran and the world.