Dear Child; Iran and Hezbollah of Lebanon

They all take pride in this beloved child; whether reformist, conservative, or moderate, whether military or politician. And they rightly take pride in themselves. Although today Qassem Soleimani and Ayatollah Khamenei bear the godfather title of this cherished one, those who were initially the founders of this blessed connection all considered themselves religious intellectuals and were more aligned with the Freedom Movement; including Ibrahim Yazdi, Mustafa Chamran, Ali Shariati, and Sadegh Khatamzadeh. The war in the war of Khomeini, but the loud bell of the union between Lebanon and Iran was rung by Ayatollah Khomeini, who thought more about the Ummah than the nation. Three years had passed since the revolution, and the country was embroiled in a bloody war with Iraq when the leader of the revolution issued a new fatwa and opened a new front of war for Iran, which Iranians still bear the heavy financial and political costs of; the war in Lebanon. In a country that had been burning in a brutal civil war for seven years and now Israel had intensified the flames of that internal war with a massive attack. In this situation, Ayatollah Khomeini, intoxicated by the victory of his revolution, commanded Iranian revolutionary forces to assist the Shiites of Lebanon and fight against Israel. This was, in fact, the command to export the Islamic revolution to Lebanon. 1500 Iranian fighters were dispatched to Lebanon, and it was at this time that the seed of Hezbollah was planted. Three years later, some of these revolutionary Iranians gathered a group of Lebanese Shiite youths at the Sheikh Abdullah barracks in Baalbek, Lebanon, and named them Hezbollah of Lebanon. That small group is now the most powerful political-military group in Lebanon, and no government in Lebanon today is formed without Hezbollah's consent. One man grew, and another died. Among the Iranians who led the Lebanese youths in that barracks to export the revolution were those who were at the core of the power of the Islamic Republic of Iran at that time; including Hojjatoleslam Ali Akbar Mohtashami, Abbas Zamani, known as Abu Sharif, and Alireza Asgari. Each of them later faced ambiguous fates that are lengthy stories in themselves, some resembling crime novels. Alireza Asgari, according to the Islamic Republic, joined Israel and, according to another narrative, died in one of Israel's prisons. There is no reliable news today about Abu Sharif, the enigmatic figure of the Islamic Republic who was the first commander of the IRGC for a while and later became Iran's ambassador to Pakistan. We hear nothing or read anything about Ali Akbar Mohtashami, who was Iran's ambassador in Damascus for many years; it seems he is a reformist these days. Hezbollah and God's promise. However, these men at that time had the necessary skills and years of experience in irregular warfare and forming paramilitary groups; like Mustafa Chamran, the Minister of Defense of the Islamic Republic. They had all learned guerrilla warfare from the Palestinians for years. The choice of the name Hezbollah for this nascent Lebanese group also reflected the experience and foresight of these exporters of the revolution. They came from revolutionary Iran and had seen how the slogan 'The party is only Hezbollah, the leader is only Ruhollah' was effective. Because with this slogan and with the help of pressure groups, they managed to drive all competitors out of the political and revolutionary scene in Iran. Now it was Lebanon's turn. And why wouldn’t this Iranian experience be effective among the Shiites of Lebanon? Especially since the term Hezbollah is not exclusive to Iran. Just as the terms communism, socialism, and democracy are not Persian. Moreover, Hezbollah is also a Quranic term, and for this reason, it is somewhat familiar in all Muslim countries. Every believing Arab Shiite surely knows verse 56 of Surah Al-Ma'idah, where God says: 'And whoever obeys Allah and His Messenger and those who believe, indeed, the party of Allah will be the victorious.' Those who obey God and His Messenger and those who believe are indeed the party of Allah, the victorious. And in Surah As-Saffat, verse 117, it gives good news to the believing and fighting Shiite that 'Indeed, they are all the party of Allah, and indeed, the party of Allah is the successful.' Better news than this? And that too from the mouth of God. So why wouldn’t Hezbollah be victorious in Lebanon - which it was. But Hezbollah's current power in Lebanon is not solely based on these Quranic verses. There are many material, political, and historical reasons. French colonialism and the Islamic Republic with a unified thought. Lebanon, after World War I and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and during the division of the world among the victors of the war, became France's share. This country came under French mandate, and for this reason, the French have had a special relationship with Lebanon to this day. Like Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, and many of their former colonies in Africa, Lebanon is also considered one of the Francophone countries. That is, a land where the French language and culture are rooted, which is indeed the case. Even in today's Lebanon, foreigners can solve many of their daily problems with the help of the French language. It may not be out of place to mention that Saad Hariri, the Prime Minister of Lebanon, holds not only Lebanese and Saudi citizenship but also French citizenship. And like Hariri, many Lebanese have French passports. However, the French also did something else in Lebanon that continues to shape the fate of Lebanon to this day and may do so for a long time to come. During their dominance over Lebanon, they divided the political institutions of this country based on religious affiliation among the various sects. According to the Lebanese constitution, the presidency is assigned to Christians, the prime ministership to Sunnis, and the presidency of the parliament to Shiites. The difference based on religion is somewhat similar to the current behavior of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Thus, the power and social influence of each Lebanese is more related to their religious affiliation than to their merit and efficiency. However, each of these three posts has a special weight and importance, with the Shiites' share being the least. Because the Shiites of Lebanon have been and are among the most backward and poorest Lebanese groups, often living on the outskirts of large cities, in the villages of the south, or in the Bekaa Valley on the Syrian border. This political structure and this legal division of power among sects is one of the reasons for the fragility of Lebanon's social balance. The Americans also modeled the French's work in Lebanon for the Iraqi constitution after the fall of Saddam. The Iraqi constitution was also drafted based on religious affiliation. Certainly, one of the reasons for the ongoing crisis there is this very constitution. Therefore, the history of the past hundred years of Lebanon is, in fact, the history of the struggle, competition, and war among religions and sects. Since then, everything has taken on a religious hue. And every religious sect that sought to expand its influence and power tried to find foreign support for itself. The Sunnis were more inclined towards Arab countries, especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia, the Christians looked to France and Israel, and it was only the Shiites who had no significant foreign support. At least until the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, this was the case. The Shah's regime tried for a while to support Imam Musa Sadr to find a place for Iran's influence in Lebanon, which was not very successful. Palestinians; a government within the government of Lebanon. Another factor that must be added to the religious disputes in Lebanon, which had a lasting impact on the fate of this country, was the flood of Palestinian refugees who fled to Lebanon after the establishment of the state of Israel. Palestinian refugees transformed Lebanon in every way and fundamentally changed the political equations and map of Lebanon. Lebanon became the base for the various Palestinian groups' war against Israel, and it reached a point where every Lebanese party and sect defined itself based on its proximity or distance from a Palestinian group. However, the Palestinians were different and sometimes hostile groups that fought each other, complicating the situation in Lebanon even further. Israel also had its supporting groups, which were mostly Christian. The military operations of the various Palestinian groups always led to deadly attacks by Israel, which in turn caused more tensions among the Lebanese. The existence of all these different sects and colorful political groups, each with its own special militias, led Lebanon into civil war several times, the last and bloodiest of which lasted 15 years and ultimately ended in 1990 with Saudi mediation, a ceasefire that remains fragile. Because Hezbollah, contrary to the ceasefire agreement, is unwilling to disarm. Lebanon was also the Paris of the Middle East. As the saying goes, you have mentioned all its faults, also mention its art; there was a time when Lebanon enjoyed relative peace, and a balance was established among the various groups. The diversity of groups and parties, along with relative peace, led to the cultural and political flourishing of Lebanon. The years from the fifties to the mid-sixties were relatively calm years when Lebanon became a haven for Arab dissidents. During these years, Lebanon was the second homeland for Arab political activists and intellectuals who had managed to escape the clutches of the dictators ruling their countries. For this reason, during these years, all kinds of Arab opposition from various countries could be seen in Beirut. From communists and Iraqi Ba'athists to Syrian nationalists and Egyptian Nasserists and intellectuals. Beirut was also the city of global journalists. Lifelong Arab kings and dictators had taken away the possibility of breathing from everyone, including their own journalists and foreign ones. For this reason, all the world's news agencies had relatively detailed offices in Beirut, as it was the best and freest city in the Arab world and the most suitable place for reporting on events in Arab countries. It seemed that all the opposition from all Arab countries was gathered here. And they were all valuable sources for curious international journalists. In Beirut, newspapers in Arabic, English, and French were published that were no less than reputable European and American publications. The number of works and translations published in Beirut exceeded the total publications of all Arab countries. More importantly, the difference in quality and content of these books compared to what was published in Riyadh, Damascus, and even Cairo was, without exaggeration, a difference from earth to sky. To this cultural atmosphere, one must also add the presence of the American University of Beirut, which had a special appeal for many Arab and even Iranian elites. Amir Abbas Hoveyda, the Prime Minister of the Shah, and many of his contemporaries graduated from this university. Beirut became known as the Paris of the Middle East because, in addition to relative freedom, it was also a place of entertainment. The behavior of Arab sheikhs who, during these years, had taken over hotels and cabarets with their oil dollars, is a separate story. 15 years of civil war. However, the good days of Lebanon could not last. Various armed Palestinian groups had formed a government within the government in Lebanon, and Israel had employed all its espionage, political, and military capabilities to ensure that the Palestinian refugees did not become a decisive political force in Lebanon. Tensions peaked in 1975. A very violent and overwhelming civil war began, with its political-military fronts constantly changing. Colorful Palestinian groups that fought both with Israel and with their internal rivals, Arab nationalists who dreamed of Arab unity, Sunnis who relied on the wealth of oil sheikhs, Ba'athists who received orders and money from either Iraq or Syria, Nasserists who dreamed of Gamal Abdel Nasser, communists who viewed everything through a class lens, and Christian Phalangists and fascists who were funded by Israel, all these factions and parties had their own armed militias and were each supported by a foreign power. The details of this 15-year war and the involvement of foreign powers such as the United States, France, and especially Israel require books to explain; and are not related to this article. What we aim to discuss is the Shiites and the birth of Hezbollah. Imam Musa Sadr and the congregational prayer in the church. In the early years of the Lebanese civil war, the Shiites of this country were on the margins of this devastating conflict. They had neither the ability to participate in armed confrontations nor was there a foreign government willing to support them. Their undisputed leader, Musa Sadr, who was called Imam, was fundamentally opposed to any kind of war between sects. This Iranian-born cleric, educated in Qom and Tehran, had lived in Lebanon for years and was such a proponent of coexistence among all religions that he had frequently held his congregational prayers in a Maronite church. There are still those who remember the story of his defense of a Christian ice cream vendor who did business among Shiites. It is true that Musa Sadr made great efforts to organize the Shiites to compensate for their backwardness and worked to improve their conditions, achieving some successes, but he never encouraged them to fight against other religions and sects. He was averse to inter-religious war. Musa Sadr was not averse to contacting government leaders to resolve tensions. After Khomeini's arrest, Musa Sadr traveled to Italy and Egypt to facilitate Khomeini's release through mediation from the Vatican and Al-Azhar. After Khomeini's release, Ayatollah Abolqasem Khoei later said that this freedom was more due to Musa Sadr's travels than anything else. After Khomeini's exile to Turkey, Sadr again took action to ensure Khomeini's safety there and to arrange for his transfer to Iraq. In the winter of 1350, Musa Sadr discussed some political prisoners with the Shah, some of whom, including Hashemi Rafsanjani, were released shortly after from prison. Ayatollah Montazeri and Hashemi Rafsanjani remembered Musa Sadr fondly until the end of their lives. Qaddafi in the service of Khomeini? But all of this is the story before the Islamic Revolution of Iran. In September 1978, just a few months before Khomeini's arrival in Iran and the victory of the revolution, Muammar Qaddafi invited Musa Sadr to Libya. This mysterious trip was a one-way ticket, and at the same time, it was a good omen for Khomeini's supporters; because the way and method...