Death of the Writer of 'Letters Without Greetings'

He may be the only political figure who wrote 'letters without greetings' to both the former and current leaders of the Islamic Republic. His first letter was to Ayatollah Khomeini against Abolhassan Banisadr, the first President of Iran, and the second to Ayatollah Khamenei regarding Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. However, the leader of the Islamic Republic did not respond to his letter and later stated that his views were 'closer' to Ahmadinejad's. Years ago, Ayatollah Khamenei had already parted ways with his longtime ally. Now, the leader's decree regarding the successor of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani in the Assembly of Experts could signify his perspective on the post-Hashemi era. Appointing figures like Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri and Hassan Rouhani to the presidency of the Assembly of Experts would indicate that Ayatollah Khamenei intends to maintain a balance of power, at least on the surface. However, appointing figures like Mohammad Yazdi, Ahmad Jannati, or even Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi would send the message that he is pleased with the death of his former ally and will eliminate the remaining hopes for a balance of power in the Islamic Republic. Appointing figures like Ali Akbar Velayati also suggests a middle ground. However, Ayatollah Khamenei did not maintain appearances in the election of Abbas Vaez Tabasi's successor and continued his previous path of eliminating experienced figures while empowering obedient youth and radical elders. Currently, Ayatollah Khamenei is the only surviving member of the five primary allies of Ayatollah Khomeini in power. Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Ahmad Khomeini, Ali Khamenei, Abdul Karim Mousavi Ardebili, and Mir Hossein Mousavi were all present in most councils and meetings appointed by Ayatollah Khomeini. Among them, Ayatollah Khamenei now holds the highest position in the Islamic Republic, while Mir Hossein Mousavi is under house arrest. Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani was considered the second most politically significant figure after Ayatollah Khomeini and was reportedly the only person who dared to joke with the Supreme Leader during tense meetings. This closeness has likely made Rafsanjani's role more prominent in all actions of the Islamic Republic, and many still regard him as a symbol of the Islamic Republic. 'No one can be Mr. Hashemi for me.' Although Rafsanjani played a special role in the election of Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader, after his first presidential term, the young leader parted ways with him. On June 2, 1997, Ayatollah Khamenei stated, 'No one can be Mr. Hashemi for me,' but before that, he had given the green light to his close associates to confront the president and his allies, and the Ansar Hezbollah group held weekly demonstrations against 'luxury.' While Rafsanjani promoted the slogans of 'construction' and development, Khamenei remained focused on preserving the concepts of the revolution. Rafsanjani's policies also faced opposition from various groups, including the Freedom Movement and forces known as Islamic leftists. Although dissenting groups found signs of social freedom in Rafsanjani's construction model, they saw no signs of political freedom. Mohammad Khatami's victory in the 1997 presidential election provided an opportunity for Rafsanjani's allies to reassert their power against Ayatollah Khamenei, a group that had previously established the Construction Workers' Party and achieved significant electoral victories. However, the price for these victories was the trial of Gholamhossein Karbaschi, and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani publicly supported the mayor of Tehran during Friday prayers. Members of the Ansar Hezbollah group, who had previously chanted 'Opposing Hashemi is opposing the Prophet,' this time left Rafsanjani's Friday prayers with the slogan 'Death to the plunderer of public assets' and did not pray behind him. From 'Aghasi' to Support from Reformists. Perhaps Rafsanjani expected that due to these actions, Khatami would retaliate in the sixth parliamentary elections for the sermons he delivered during Friday prayers to prevent fraud in the June 2, 1997 elections and would come to his support. However, Khatami remained silent, and the parties close to him, such as the Participation Party, did not include Rafsanjani in their lists. Prior to that, reformist media had accused Rafsanjani of complicity or at least knowledge of the serial killings of dissidents. Rafsanjani's statements during those days fueled the fire of propaganda against him, including calling the performance of the Ministry of Intelligence during his tenure the 'cleanest' period of that ministry. Rafsanjani, who had won every election before the sixth parliament, came in thirtieth place in this election and became a subject of jokes among the people known as 'Aghasi.' After the press was banned in May 2000, he harshly criticized reformists, newspapers, and participants in the Berlin Conference during Friday prayers. Gradually, however, the animosity between some reformist groups and Rafsanjani turned into friendship, and they supported him in the second round of the 2005 presidential election, a support that was, however, too late, and many people still regarded Rafsanjani as a symbol of the Islamic Republic and ultimately did not trust him. Supporters of the Supreme Leader, whose position was clear, later stated that Rafsanjani had committed electoral fraud. After 2005, Rafsanjani no longer hesitated to criticize the policies of the Supreme Leader. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad also saw his only path to victory in the 2009 presidential election as competing against Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, not Mir Hossein Mousavi. Rafsanjani, in response to Ahmadinejad's remarks during the debate with Mir Hossein Mousavi, wrote a letter without greetings to Ayatollah Khamenei just days before the election, which many conservatives referred to as 'the fire starter' for the protests that followed. After the 2009 elections, the Supreme Leader repeatedly spoke of 'insightless elites,' the first example of which could have been Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Nevertheless, he continued to support the election protesters, and his last Friday prayer speech also became a gathering place for protesters and the presence of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi. The disqualification in the 2013 presidential elections and the imprisonment of Fa'ezeh and Mehdi Hashemi were the costs of this support, but Hassan Rouhani's presidency once again made Rafsanjani a powerful figure, to the extent that the New Year meetings of officials and political figures with him were more crowded than those with Hassan Rouhani. Rafsanjani passed away at a time when some hoped for his role in determining the future leader of the Islamic Republic, and now no one in the Assembly of Experts will have his position to confront figures like Ahmad Jannati. Hassan Rouhani has also lost his greatest political supporter on the eve of the 2017 presidential election. Although his death may create an emotional atmosphere and increase Rouhani's votes in the elections, Rafsanjani's death will draw more attention to Rouhani and Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri. Although there is doubt about Nategh Nouri's willingness to play a new role. The crisis that 'the man who passes through crises' created. Rafsanjani's close associates called him 'the man who passes through crises,' but by supporting Ayatollah Khamenei's leadership, he created a crisis for himself and his ideas and could never overcome it. Just days before his death, Rafsanjani spoke of the necessity of constitutional change at the memorial ceremony for Abdul Karim Mousavi Ardebili and was the greatest hope for those who hoped for changes from within the Islamic Republic. He also had distinctive personal characteristics compared to many officials of the Islamic Republic. His daughters, unlike the daughters of other officials, were politically and socially active. None of the children of the officials and political figures of the Islamic Republic have been as politically active as Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's children. Rafsanjani was also the only official of the Islamic Republic who systematically wrote and published his memoirs, although it is difficult to judge parts of his memoirs where he absolves himself of involvement in dealing with critics and dissidents. The death of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani can be considered the death of the second-ranking official of the Islamic Republic, but the impact of this death is not as significant as half of the impact of Ayatollah Khomeini's death, perhaps because the times have changed.