Decoding Jason or Decoding Security Media?

In the 9 months since the arrest of Jason Rezaian, an Iranian-American journalist for the Washington Post in Iran, and with the increasingly serious accusations against him, many are questioning the reasons for his arrest and the allegations against him even before the trial. On Saturday, April 29, the newspaper Vatan-e Emruz provided answers to these questions with a detailed article titled "Decoding Jason" published on its front page. This article made significant efforts to justify Jason's 9-month detention, but in its storytelling, it revealed points that not only exposed the hands of his captors but also made it clear why the IRGC intelligence organization arrested Jason Rezaian, kept him in detention for 9 months, and continues to accuse some well-known figures inside and outside the country. It can be said that this article is a kind of "decoding of Vatan-e Emruz" and other media affiliated with or close to security institutions, rather than what Jason Rezaian has done. The key to solving the mystery of Jason Rezaian lies in the last paragraph of this article, which states: "Jason Rezaian is the key to decoding the dangerous economic-political dominance of the United States over Iran in the Zionist project of 'Peace between Iran and America.'" In fact, Vatan-e Emruz, along with some economic and security circles that have profited immensely during the economic sanctions, views the efforts made to resolve the nuclear issue and possibly reduce tensions as the "Zionist project of peace between Iran and America." While anyone following these issues knows that Israel is the main opponent of a diplomatic resolution to the nuclear issue, increasing sanctions, and possibly a military attack on Iran, rather than wanting Iran and America to resolve their issues peacefully. The use of the term "Zionist" to describe "peace between Iran and America" is merely to frighten and portray the situation as horrific. Contrary to this imaginary claim, even the U.S. President is currently frustrated with the Israeli Prime Minister's interference in the Iran-U.S. nuclear negotiations, and unprecedented tensions have been observed in their relationship. Let alone imagining that Israel is a supporter of peace between Iran and America. Some individuals named in the article "Decoding Jason" are known for their efforts to lift sanctions that harm the Iranian people, both inside and outside the country. They are also individuals who, while advocating for the lifting of sanctions and de-escalation of relations between the two countries, defend the improvement of human rights conditions in Iran and spare no effort to highlight human rights violations in Iran, even going so far as to act for human rights sanctions against major human rights violators in Iran through the European Union and other international bodies. These two areas, namely lifting sanctions and improving relations with America, as well as the issue of human rights, are the Achilles' heel of the security faction outside the government, which sees closeness to America as the end of its decades-long honeymoon. Moreover, all the names mentioned in the Vatan-e Emruz article share a common point: they have all made efforts to lift sanctions in recent years, they are all anti-war, and they all seek a diplomatic resolution to the nuclear issue. Other accusations leveled against these individuals are essentially a smokescreen and, as the saying goes, a "salad" of the situation. Accusations such as nuclear sabotage, calls for increased sanctions, and similar matters do not align with the expertise and profession that Vatan-e Emruz has attributed to them, nor do they correspond to the actions of these individuals, who are public figures in America and among Iranian-Americans. This is why Hassan Rouhani has repeatedly asked Iranian-Americans to assist the government in anti-sanction efforts. Some individuals mentioned in the Vatan-e Emruz article, such as Trita Parsi and Reza Marashi from the Iranian-American Council, have practically been anti-sanction forces and advocates for negotiation over the past year, voicing their opinions in American media and Congress. During the negotiations, their pictures are often published alongside the Iranian and American negotiating teams. Ironically, these individuals are accused in America by staunch opponents of the Islamic Republic, including supporters of the Mojahedin-e Khalq, of being the Islamic Republic's lobby in Washington. Public information shows that Iranian officials have occasionally sought their advice, both directly and indirectly, to understand political developments in Washington. Therefore, the Vatan-e Emruz article can only be seen as an attempt to demonstrate the confusion and fear of some economic and security forces inside the country regarding the lifting of sanctions and the end of Iran's international isolation, which has many supporters both inside and outside the country. Jason Rezaian, an American journalist and baseball enthusiast, has a journalism background dating back 9 years, including articles he wrote for the San Francisco Chronicle about Iran, including a comprehensive two-page report on his trip to Iran and the cultural attractions, as well as the misunderstandings that have distanced the two nations, Iran and America, from each other. Throughout this time, Jason Rezaian has been a journalist whose main news activities have focused on portraying a civil face and seeking peace and reconciliation with the world. In his articles about Iran's sanctions sent from Tehran, he has consistently addressed how sanctions harm ordinary people or quoted individuals who also advocate for the lifting of sanctions. A journalist who had no interest in covering political news or talking to politicians, and whose writings primarily focused on the lives of people. However, such a journalist is now facing accusations of espionage regarding sanctions, and it can be expected that what security officials have on Jason Rezaian, apart from the writings he has done or the emails exchanged for his reports, are only public information and statistics that he has included in his reports and observations about the situation of people in Iran. Yet, these writings, all of which are publicly available information, have been labeled as "espionage" regarding sanctions by Vatan-e Emruz and the previous week by Fars News Agency. A person like Jason Rezaian could not even have access to secret or confidential information, and if he did, the judicial and security authorities would have certainly held a trial during these nine months and ended their confusion in concluding this detention. Jason Rezaian also has another "unforgivable sin" in their view. He is someone who wrote in one of his articles about Iranians playing baseball or eating hamburgers. In their view, proximity to America is a form of acceptance of dominance, and by showing that Iranians are interested in some manifestations of Western pop culture, Jason Rezaian committed a great sin. But this is not the whole story. Trade and money after the lifting of sanctions; this is the issue! The main perspective and larger picture conveyed by the Vatan-e Emruz report is that some figures seeking to lift sanctions are, according to this newspaper close to security institutions, looking to engage in trade with Iran in the post-sanction environment and have financial ambitions. Vatan-e Emruz, in this imaginary and chaotic scenario, raises topics that reflect the least familiarity with international relations and global realities. For example, it connects the ground to the sky and writes, "Rezaian's credibility does not stem from his character and selfless services but is a sign of the importance of Obama's map in Iranian politics and economics. A map that, as acknowledged by the ruling class in China, has succeeded in creating a class of foreign supporters within the ruling elite of China by promoting 'economic corruption.'" In fact, Vatan-e Emruz wants to strengthen its theory by expressing concern that America has even brought the ruling class in China under its control and intends to do the same in Iran by empowering individuals who are currently advocating for nuclear negotiations and improved relations, and if these individuals come to power, the livelihoods of security and intelligence traders, who have thrived on sanctions, will be jeopardized, and thus action must be taken to dismantle these individuals before negotiations yield results. This is why the Vatan-e Emruz article is significant, and Iranian government officials should view it with open eyes. This article reveals the efforts of factions within the Iranian government that are dissatisfied with the success of the nuclear negotiations and will spare no effort to undermine them, including the arrest of a journalist who loves Iran, tarnishing the reputation of influential figures outside Iran in various fields, and ultimately questioning the logic and benefits that a successful nuclear negotiation—at least in terms of economic improvement and the livelihood of the people—would bring to Iran. This danger will become more apparent when we consider that even when a nuclear agreement is signed between Iran and America, it will require various sections of this agreement to be implemented for sanctions and financial and political restrictions to be gradually lifted. However, when such an influential group exists within the security and intelligence apparatus, opposing negotiations and especially their positive and successful outcomes, will sabotage this process and, in the post-agreement period, will not bring Iran back to square one? And will it not turn the fruits of years of negotiation to smoke? In fact, the arrest of Jason and the conspiracy surrounding him is entirely in line with the views of American neocons and supporters of pressure and increased sanctions and even military action against Iran, who say that Iran should not be trusted because there are extremist groups that will not adhere to any agreement and one should not think that if they say they will do something, they will do it. This is the greatest damage that such actions can inflict on the nuclear negotiations by empowering their opponents in America and overshadowing Hassan Rouhani's success in these negotiations. So far, Hassan Rouhani has remained silent regarding the Jason Rezaian case. While in many diplomatic meetings, the American side has asked Iranian officials to release Jason Rezaian. Not because Jason Rezaian has any connection to the U.S. government, but simply because he holds an American passport, and it is part of American laws to strive for the health and freedom of all its citizens, regardless of where they come from. However, Hassan Rouhani has practically preferred to distance himself from the Jason Rezaian case. One reason for Hassan Rouhani's silence can be attributed to his reluctance to confront this hardline group within the security apparatus. Because the initial direction of Jason Rezaian's case targeted Hassan Rouhani himself. Despite Jason Rezaian being in solitary confinement for 9 months, and despite the fact that just a few weeks ago his case went to court, and although the spokesperson for the judiciary has repeatedly refrained from commenting on the details of his case, last month, Hamid Rasai, a principlist member of parliament, published a piece in Fars News Agency claiming that Jason Rezaian is a spy and has attempted to approach important government security centers, pointing his accusing finger at an individual named "A.S": Ismail Samavi, Hassan Rouhani's nephew, who is responsible for managing the media office of the presidency. Meanwhile, Jason Rezaian, according to his colleagues in Iran, had never seen Ismail Samavi up close and had only attended a press conference at the presidency alongside other journalists once. Rasai claimed that there is even a video of Rezaian's confession and called for its release. The direct attack on Rouhani's inner circle provoked a reaction from Hassan Rouhani, and in the struggle between the presidency and the IRGC intelligence, amidst negotiations, Rezaian's captors realized they had targeted a significant stone that could have adverse effects for them. Therefore, the scenario connecting Jason Rezaian to Ismail Samavi and thereby implicating the presidency became a scenario questioning the nuclear negotiations through those who support these negotiations. In this context, considering the direct support of the Iranian leader for the nuclear negotiations and the backing of officials such as the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and even the commander of the IRGC for the negotiations, a direct attack on the negotiations—although this attack continues through Vatan-e Emruz—was not feasible. Hence, the scenario of discrediting and creating enemies of all those who support nuclear negotiations and the lifting of sanctions and improving relations with Iran was devised. In this process, the names of individuals who had initially protested the legitimacy of Rezaian and his innocence and the clear violation of his rights were also added to this case, so that the captors could simultaneously cover their two main concerns: the issue of human rights and the lifting of sanctions and the potential improvement of relations with America within a security case. The IRGC, the independence of the judiciary, the judiciary currently handling Jason's case is one of its revolutionary courts presided over by Judge Salavati, is effectively facing the media onslaught from security media such as Fars News Agency and Vatan-e Emruz, despite the fact that Rezaian has not yet been convicted in any court.