Ending House Arrest: An Unsolvable Problem and a Pretext for Eliminating Rivals by Khamenei

While Iran is enduring severe economic conditions due to state-controlled economy, managerial incompetence, and crippling sanctions, and pursuing nuclear negotiations to lift these sanctions through a final agreement, the freedom of the leaders of the "Green Movement" has become a contentious demand in the political structure. Mehdi Karroubi, Mir Hossein Mousavi, and Zahra Rahnavard (Mousavi's wife) have been under house arrest since the end of Bahman 1389 (February 2011) by the approval of the Supreme National Security Council and the confirmation of Ayatollah Khamenei, with all their communications with the outside world completely cut off. Various accusations have been made by the imprisoners regarding the reason for their house arrest, particularly its continuation: a) The protests following the presidential election of 24 Khordad 88 (June 2009) were an electoral coup aimed at overthrowing the government, leading to the destruction of public property and the deaths of at least 35 people, 16 of whom were Basij forces. b) The reason for the house arrest is not the previous point but rather that Mousavi and Karroubi intended to incite a public demonstration on 25 Bahman 89 (February 2011) to establish a revolution similar to those in Tunisia and Egypt against the Islamic Republic, which is why they were imprisoned at home (claim by Saeed Jalili, then Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, on 11 Azar 93). c) If the leaders of the Green Movement are released without acknowledging the falsehood of the claim of electoral fraud, they may create an even greater sedition. Political forces are at odds with each other. Reformist and Green political forces have demanded the freedom of the Green Movement leaders. Hassan Rouhani, who needed the votes of these groups in the presidential election, promised several times that if elected, he would take action for the freedom of the leaders of the movement. Nevertheless, Ayatollah Khamenei, the Revolutionary Guards, Khamenei-supporting clergy, and extreme conservatives have opposed their freedom. Ayatollah Khamenei has referred to the Green protest movement as "sedition" from the outset, creating a public atmosphere so muddled that it prevents the distinction between truth and falsehood. Only those with insight understand the immense danger this "sedition" poses to the regime. It is true that Hassan Rouhani is the head of the Supreme National Security Council, but first: the composition of the council is such that he cannot currently succeed in approving the lifting of the house arrest. Second: all resolutions of the Supreme National Security Council must be approved by Ayatollah Khamenei, who opposes lifting the house arrest. Third: with the constant mention of the slogan for lifting the house arrest, the head of the judiciary and the attorney general have stated that they are ready to prosecute Mousavi and Karroubi for the charges of "mohareb" (enemy of God) and "baghi" (rebellion) if the Supreme National Security Council takes action to lift the house arrest. Ali Motahari against the leadership and conservatives. Morteza Motahari was one of the most important students of Ayatollah Khomeini. He was assassinated 80 days after the victory of the revolution. Ayatollah Khomeini said about him that all his books are good. Ali Motahari, a representative from Tehran in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, is the son of Ayatollah Morteza Motahari. His cultural positions are almost like those of conservatives, but he defends the freedom of critics and opponents in political matters. He has defended freedom more than all the reformist minorities in the parliament. In mid-Khordad 93 (June 2014), Ali Motahari and a number of parliament representatives had a private meeting with Ayatollah Khamenei. In that meeting, Ali Motahari requested the end of the house arrest or the trial of the leaders of the Green Movement. Ayatollah Khamenei responded by saying: "I have previously spoken about insight and that we should not lose sight of the path of the martyrs and the revolution. Their crime is great, and if the Imam were here, he would have dealt with them more severely. If they are tried, their sentence will be very heavy, and you will definitely not be satisfied. We have shown them kindness so far." Ayatollah Khamenei is strongly opposed to employing those who participated in the Green Movement in the government, let alone freeing the leaders of the movement. In 1393/06/05 (August 2014), during a meeting with the president and members of the government, he reminded them: "The issue of sedition and seditionists is one of the important issues and red lines that the ministers must adhere to, just as they emphasized distancing themselves from it in their confidence vote session." The public disclosure of the leadership's positions in Khordad and Shahrivar has led to the most extreme conservative reactions: Ayatollah Jannati, the powerful secretary of the Guardian Council, compared Mousavi and Karroubi to Mussolini in the program "Shenasnameh" of the Islamic Republic's television on 24 Mehr 93 (October 2014), stating that once identified, they do not need a trial and should be executed because their crime was "overthrowing the regime under the guise of fraud." However, the regime has shown them mercy by keeping them under house arrest. Ayatollah Alamolhoda, the Friday prayer leader of Mashhad and a member of the Assembly of Experts, also labeled Mousavi and Karroubi as mohareb and stated on 6 Azar 93 (November 2014) in response to the demand for lifting the house arrest that Mousavi sought to take people to the streets to confront the leadership and limit his powers. During the protests the day after the election, 23 people were killed, and the leaders of the sedition should be tried for inciting street violence and being responsible for the killings; house arrest is the "greatest leniency" shown to them. Despite the explicit opinions of Ayatollah Khamenei and the relentless attacks from conservatives, Ali Motahari again called for the lifting of the house arrest of the Green Movement leaders or their trial, deeming the house arrest illegal. Sadegh Larijani, the head of the judiciary, responded on 10 Dey 1393 (December 2014) by stating that first: the house arrest is legal because it was approved by the Supreme National Security Council. Second: whenever the Supreme National Security Council takes action to lift the house arrest, the judiciary will prosecute them. Third: the leaders of the movement do not care about the results of the trial; their goal is to use the opportunity to speak and propagate. For this reason, they have not been tried. He said: "The explicit statements of some sedition elements that they have said the result of the trial is not important to them and they want a platform to express their views... we must say that the court is not a place for the leaders of sedition to express their grievances and stir the emotions of the people, and these individuals must defend themselves and their actions in court, and their files are sufficiently filled with accusations." Ali Motahari responded to the head of the judiciary in an open letter on 14 Dey 1393, stating that first: the Supreme National Security Council does not have judicial authority and cannot issue a condemnation and imprison individuals. Second: Ahmadinejad, as the then head of the Supreme National Security Council, not only did not sign the resolution but also wrote letters twice for the freedom of the imprisoned. Third: every accused person intends to make their voice heard, especially since the imprisoned have been deprived of expressing their opinions for four years and have been attributed many accusations. The judiciary on 16 Dey 93 (January 2015) denied the writing of two letters for lifting the house arrest by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, deemed the resolution of the Supreme National Security Council legal, stating that "the house arrest of the leaders of sedition was in the context of addressing one of the threats to the country's security," and emphasized that if a trial [meaning the trial of Mousavi and Karroubi] is contrary to security, it will be held in private, because "the duty of the court is adjudication, not to provide a platform for others to speak and express their views." Motahari on 17 Dey responded to the judiciary, reminding that there is a tape of Sadegh Larijani's statements to parliament representatives saying that Ahmadinejad wrote two letters for lifting the house arrest. However, Motahari's main response was his speech before the parliament on 21 Dey 1393, which faced fierce attacks from conservatives and led to the interruption of the parliament session. Motahari stated that from an Islamic perspective, opponents should be free and enjoy all social rights as long as they do not take up arms. House arrest is a heavier punishment than imprisonment and contradicts multiple principles of the constitution. "The Prophet of Islam cannot issue a punishment without trial and hearing the defendant's defense," let alone the Supreme National Security Council. The imprisoned should either be freed or be tried publicly and simultaneously with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Conservatives, unable to tolerate these words, according to Ali Motahari, attacked the podium in a pre-planned manner and even encouraged and supported the deputy speaker of parliament. They did not even allow him to finish his speech in a closed session, took him down from the podium, and tore up his speech papers. Hassan Rouhani's approach to lifting the house arrest. Hassan Rouhani is trying to resolve this issue behind the scenes during negotiations. In public statements, he only engages in general rhetoric. For example, he has repeatedly said that past events should be forgotten, personal hostilities should be set aside, and everyone should cooperate to help the country overcome this phase. All of these types of remarks have provoked strong reactions from conservatives. On the birthday of the Prophet of Islam - 19 Dey 1393 - in the presence of Islamic Republic officials, before Ayatollah Khamenei's speech, Rouhani stated that the Prophet of Islam was a prophet of mercy, not "a vengeful one." He then added: "His moral masterpiece was the conquest of Mecca and the general amnesty. The Prophet even forgave Wahshi, who killed his beloved uncle Hamza, and he forgave him... Our path, as the leadership said, should be maximum attraction and minimum repulsion." In fact, Rouhani is addressing Khamenei, saying that the Prophet of Islam forgave all the polytheists and even the killer of his uncle after the conquest of Mecca; you should also free the leaders of the Green Movement by invoking this tradition. However, conservatives quickly responded to him that first: the public killer of the Prophet was a slave, not a free man. The ruling of a slave who acts at the behest of his master differs from that of a free person. Second: Wahshi apologized to the Prophet, but Mousavi and Karroubi are not willing to apologize. Third: Wahshi converted to Islam, but the leaders of the sedition are tools of imperialism: "The comparison of the leaders of sedition with Wahshi is truly flawed because Wahshi apologized to the Prophet and turned to Islam, and even if he did not convert to Islam, the Prophet would have forgiven him because he was a slave, but the leaders of sedition are not even willing to apologize." Forgiving the leaders of sedition without their repentance and apology is treason and usurpation of the rights of God's sovereignty, the Prophet of Islam, the Imam of the Time, and the people. The unsolvable issue for Khamenei and extreme conservatives. Since 22 Khordad 88 (June 2009), conservatives have hurled every accusation, lie, and insult at the "Green Movement" and its leaders. They have repeatedly claimed that "the sedition is over" and that even its supporters have forgotten the "leaders of sedition." However, they themselves constantly revive the memory of the Green Movement and its leaders by making serious accusations, unbelievable lies, and insults against the seditionists. Khamenei and his followers have been worried about the social base of the Green Movement leaders. On one hand, they do not want to free them without an apology, repentance, and acknowledgment of the falsehood of the electoral fraud claim. On the other hand, they are extremely concerned about the actions of the Green Movement leaders after lifting the house arrest and have repeatedly voiced their concern about who guarantees that they will not create an even greater sedition after their release. Another issue is that the people have not accepted Ayatollah Khamenei's justifications for suppressing the Green Movement. Abbasali Kadkhodai, the former spokesman of the Guardian Council, stated on 22 Dey 1393 (January 2015) that regarding the crimes of the leaders of the Green Movement, "the people must be convinced." Thus, he admits that after four years of house arrest and various accusations and insults directed at the Green leaders, the people are not convinced about the reason for their house arrest. Ayatollah Jannati proposed a new solution to this demand, stating that "we must silence those who say that the house arrests should be lifted." If they are freed, they will incite sedition again, and the demand for freedom is merely the request of "four misguided individuals." Ayatollah Khamenei usually resists internal pressures for change and transformation. He tries to present himself as someone who does not yield to pressure and force but is willing to forgive and pardon repentant individuals. Ayatollah Khamenei is not willing to correct his strategic mistake. Lifting the house arrest and freeing all political and ideological prisoners would benefit everyone and globally restore the legitimacy of the regime. He has yet to realize that democracy, human rights, and freedom strengthen the political system and empower the country, as he fears the consequences of the democratization process. A process that transforms lifelong political rule into elected governance for a limited term, under supervision and accountability. In the first half of March next year, two important elections for the Assembly of Experts and the Islamic Consultative Assembly will be held in Iran. Khamenei and conservatives, who are extremely concerned about the results of these elections, are scaring everyone with the repetition of "sedition" to eliminate rivals under the label of "seditionist" from the electoral process through the Guardian Council. Their constant uproar around "sedition" is aimed at this goal. This article has also been published in The National Interest.