Feminism or Patriarchy in Iran: Which is 'Controversial'?

This short note reflects on a discussion about Iranian feminism, a debate or an effective movement, hosted by Fahimeh Khodr Haidari with the participation of Mahbubeh Abbasgholi Zadeh and Nasser Karami on Radio Farda, critiquing some prevalent stereotypes, misunderstandings, and denial of one of the most vibrant critical discourses in Iran. Feminism in Iran: A Controversial 'Issue'? The fabricated and unclear concept of 'antagonism with men' in the introduction of this discussion implicitly places Iranian feminism in the dock, needing to defend itself against accusations. As a feminist researcher with three decades of study in this field, I have never encountered a feminist text with an 'antagonism with men' approach. Even radical feminists, who critically analyze the gender power system from a strictly structuralist perspective and sometimes essentialize women's birthing roles in 'care-oriented rationality' and 'usurping paternity' in the formation of patriarchy and 'instrumental rationality', have never claimed to be antagonistic towards men. However, the accusation of 'struggle against men' has frequently been used in patriarchal literature to discredit and instill fear of feminism. This false belief has even been internalized by many women concerned about the disruption of their 'feminine roles'. Sara Andersson from the 'Feminist Initiative' party in Sweden argues that the myth of feminism's hatred or antagonism towards men is essentially a media creation to justify the unequal gender power system. This accusatory question, while not provoking a critical response from Mahbubeh Abbasgholi Zadeh, is met with Nasser Karami's candid remarks, expressing his disappointment with Iranian feminists, stating that 'Iranian feminism has caused more uproar than anything else' and 'they do not produce content'. This paints a clear picture of how 'Iranian feminism' is perceived as 'controversial' in this discussion. According to him, 'on the pages of Iranian feminists, they keep insulting each other, and besides the 'fights and quarrels that... do not correspond with the problems and issues of Iranian society', there has been no achievement! Predicting the quality and outcome of a discussion in such a text and at such a level is not very difficult. A stereotype called 'Iranian feminism'? The term 'Iranian feminism' is another fabricated and unclear term that has been referenced multiple times in this discussion. It is clear that concepts such as 'Black feminism', 'post-colonial feminism', or 'queer feminism', which have addressed the unveiling of other spheres of power inequality and their reflection within the feminist movement, are not the inspiration for this term. The negative connotation of 'Iranian feminism' in this discussion, which 'has caused more uproar than anything else', and its distinction from the 'feminist' in question, albeit unclear, indicates the meaning of this naming as 'problematic' for feminism in Iran. It seems that the stereotyping of 'Iranian feminism', by deliberately ignoring the diversity of feminism and feminists in Iran and denying their achievements, has been raised solely with the motivation to critique a 'non-productive' group. Even Hamid Reza Jalai Pour's fairness in the article 'Why Are Defenders of Women Afraid to Call Themselves Feminists?' has been more in questioning and answering. Jalai Pour considers this concern unnecessary except regarding the tightening space imposed on them by Islamic fundamentalists. A point that Abbasgholi Zadeh refers to as the security nature of feminism in this discussion. Indigenous feminism in the era of globalization? According to Mr. Karami, one of the problems with 'Iranian feminism' is that it is 'not indigenous' and 'not Iranianized'. Previously, Nahid Motiei addressed this question in her article 'Feminism in Iran: In Search of an Indigenous Approach?' with the aim of expanding the connection between feminism and the diverse layers of women in Iran. Nevertheless, the effort to 'indigenize' feminism, if it leads to overlooking universal values of women's rights or abandoning the critique of patriarchy, would turn feminism into a toothless lion and leave only a distorted image of it. Moreover, the desire for 'indigenous' and 'Iranianized' feminism in an era of globalization, where the dichotomy of local or global has given way to hybrid and intertwined local/global cultures or 'glocal' (global and local), is an unrealistic and nostalgic approach. A demand that Abbasgholi Zadeh once supported in a different way (Farzaneh Magazine, Issue 7), but gradually distanced herself from. The request to indigenize feminism, if for some, is an effort for a modern ideological approach linked to the historical and cultural contexts of a society like Iran, for others like Masoumeh Ebtekar (Farzaneh, Issue 7) and Nasser Karami, it serves as an excuse to deny the universality of women's rights or the theoretical foundations of feminism. An example of this is Karami's condemnation of 'Iranian feminism' by linking violence against women in Iran to the unequal gender power system. Denial of gender-based violence in Iran? According to Mr. Karami, 'the model used to combat violence against Iranian women is akin to the Indian example, not the violence against Iranian women. Because in India, violence against women is a systematic matter and sometimes accepted in laws and customs.' However, 'in Iran, the law does not permit it; that is, if you commit violence against a woman, it is no different from violence against a man. If you beat your wife, she can go to the police station and file a complaint, and they will come and arrest you. At least on paper, such a law exists. In custom, no man can come to his workplace and proudly say, 'I beat my wife last night.' Even in villages, such a thing does not happen.' Firstly, violence against women in familial relationships is not limited to physical violence. Economic, sexual, and psychological violence are also other forms of violence that in Iran and other countries are primarily used by men against women as tools for domination and maintaining authority. Secondly, the prevalence of honor culture and violence in parts of Iran, which Parvin Bakhtiar Nejad has addressed in her book 'The Silent Catastrophe', is a type of violence that enjoys cultural legitimacy and many men speak of it with 'pride'. Additionally, custom and law in Iran openly permit many forms of violence against women and children - such as the right to marry underage girls or a husband's sexual relations with his wife even against her will - which are explicitly sanctioned. The unequal gender system even in advanced countries like Sweden and Norway has largely turned domestic violence into a male phenomenon, let alone a society like Iran, where the intensity of patriarchy has made women and children the primary victims of domestic violence, which Mehrangiz Kar has elaborated on in her book 'Violence Against Women in Iran'. The systematic denial of the connection between violence against women and the gender power system in Iran, which even contradicts statistical data, clearly serves to obscure the institutionalized patriarchy in a society where, in addition to social structures, the laws and official ideology of the anti-women government also guard it. Feminism in Iran: A Fruitless Movement? According to Mr. Karami, 'Iranian feminism is not an effective movement in the social sphere, and we do not see effective achievements from it.' It is astonishing how one can overlook the numerous books and dozens of journals, magazines, websites, study circles, and scientific and cultural seminars both inside and outside that are part of the 'content production' by feminists. One example is the fruitful conferences of the Women's Research Foundation of Iran, which have been held for over two decades with the participation of the most prominent academicians and Iranian feminist activists, and their yearbooks are published. Censorship, threats, imprisonment, or exiling women and feminist activists play a significant role in limiting their activities inside. Nevertheless, even many political prisoners like Monireh Baradaran, who spent years in prison, became one of the most prolific writers in the field of women in exile. Inside Iran, despite all the restrictions, according to the report of the conference 'Women, Books, Sustainable Development' on November 14, 2016, 788 books about women were published in the country last year. Although many of these works are not feminist in approach, even according to Seyed Qasem Yahsini at that conference, one of the reasons for the underutilization of the potential of many intellectuals, researchers, and writers in this field is 'the deep patriarchal governance in social layers'. Furthermore, the sensitivity of the regime and censorship apparatus towards feminism should not be overlooked. In a country where even the thesis of Moshtagh Al-Helo, the author of 'Feminism and Equality in the West and Iran', which was accepted by academic authorities and high-ranking clerics and was free of a feminist approach, faced censorship from the Ministry of Culture and was deemed 'unpublishable', the publication of feminist works and other activities in Iran is truly 'tunneling through the mountain of impossibilities'! Censorship, threats, imprisonment, or exiling women and feminist activists play a significant role in limiting their activities inside. Nevertheless, even many political prisoners like Monireh Baradaran, who spent years in prison, became one of the most prolific writers in the field of women in exile. Enumerating the list and names of all prominent Iranian feminist figures is not feasible in this note. The bibliography of Shahrzad Mojab (2000), although it does not include works published inside, is a valuable document for acquaintance in this field. Even Islamic fundamentalist researchers like Ebrahim Shafiei Sarvestani in his book 'The Stream of Defending Women's Rights' (1999) warns, after examining about 70 works by Iranian feminists, that this movement has influenced many religious intellectuals and has prompted them to reconsider religious texts and interpretations. The traces of these influences can even be seen among reformist religious women like Faezah Hashemi, whose newspaper 'Zan' was shut down for 'supporting feminism'. Many Iranian feminist women - such as Shirin Ebadi, Parvin Ardalan, Mehrangiz Kar, Shadi Sadr, Farzaneh Milani, Haideh Moghissi, and the most recent example, Shahla Shafique - have received the most important honors or international awards for their impact in the field of women and human rights. Many Iranian feminist women - such as Shirin Ebadi, Parvin Ardalan, Mehrangiz Kar, Shadi Sadr, Farzaneh Milani, Haideh Moghissi, and the most recent example, Shahla Shafique - have received the most important honors or international awards for their impact in the field of women and human rights. On the other hand, the achievements of feminism in Iran can be observed in organizing the women's movement (gatherings on International Women's Day and campaigns like One Million Signatures), civil institution building (such as the Society for the Defense of Child Labor), in the environmental sphere (such as the Society of Women Against Environmental Pollution), in ethnic movements (especially among Kurds), and among working women and sexual minorities. In this context, Mr. Karami only admits with dissatisfaction that Iranian feminists 'are working a hundred times more on sexual minorities'. In a country where homosexuality can face severe penalties and its former president officially denies its existence, only the belief in compulsory heterosexuality or fear of homosexuality (homophobia) could be the reason for the dissatisfaction with feminists' attention to this issue. In the fields of culture, art, and sports, feminism is a growing trend. In cinema, with the films of Manijeh Hekmat, Tahmineh Milani, Marzieh Meshkini, Rokhsareh Ghaem Maghami, Samira Makhmalbaf, etc., not only has the feminist approach been solidified, but even male directors and filmmakers like Jafar Panahi, Bahman Ghobadi, Abbas Kiarostami, Seyed Jamal Seyed Hatami, Asghar Farhadi, etc., have been influenced by it to varying degrees in their films. Some academic studies in the fields of cinema, poetry, and especially Iranian literature speak of the transition from 'social realism' to 'feminist discourse' as the most prominent critical discourse of recent decades. The traces of feminist discourse in examining population policies, education, study, employment, family, violence, fertility, sexuality, sexual orientation, body awareness, religion, discriminatory laws, and in the field of politics and criticism of Islamism in Iran are undeniable. So much so that at times it has even elicited reactions from the authorities. For example, on the Namasha website (June 25, 2015), Ayatollah Khamenei's position on feminism and modern approaches in the field of women and his concern about 'the masculinization of feminine roles' are mentioned. Even in the environmental sphere, which Karami speaks of feminists' neglect, Mansour Shojaei's articles on 'Ecofeminism' indicate 'content production' in this area. It is true that not all activists in the women's movement are necessarily feminists, just as not all feminists are women. However, a significant portion of the activists in the women's movement in Iran, as mentioned above, identify themselves as feminists. A comprehensive examination of the advancements of women and feminist discourse in Iran, including the shortcomings, obstacles, and challenges ahead, requires an independent and extensive research effort, which I have addressed in part in two articles published on the Farda Feminism website and the challenges ahead and intersectional theory: a tool for understanding the complexity and diversity of women's positions. The question here is whether the discrediting and denial of the capabilities of feminist discourse in Iran stem more from ignorance or reflect a paternalistic concern of patriarchal thought that, worried about the advancement of women's positions in Iran, places conditions on gender equality as the 'omniscient authority' for them.