Firoozabadi: Negotiating Parties Have No Right to Enter Iran's Security Domain in Nuclear Agreement

Hassan Firoozabadi, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, has issued a lengthy message to Iran's negotiators with the 5+1 group regarding Tehran's nuclear program, outlining various issues as 'red lines' and 'protection of the national resources of the country.' Among what this high-ranking military official of Iran described as 'fundamental indicators' of the negotiations, it is stated that the negotiating parties are not permitted to enter Iran's national security rules and functions, defense, intelligence, regional programs, or cyber policies. Firoozabadi referred to the fact sheets published after the agreement reached in Lausanne on April 2, stating that the parties are not allowed to 'infiltrate the security and defense domain of the country under the pretext of supervision.' He added that government officials should 'in no way' grant such permission, and military officials also do not have the right to 'halt the country's defensive development under the pretext of supervision and inspection.' Earlier, following remarks by Ashton Carter, the U.S. Secretary of Defense, about the need for oversight of Iran's military facilities, Abbas Araghchi, a senior Iranian negotiator, stated that Tehran would definitely not accept any oversight or access in this regard. Firoozabadi's statements also responded to Carter's comments. He further stated that 'any implementation of commitments' by Iran must be approved by 'official and legal authorities,' and the 'start of the commitment period' must also be 'conditional upon confirmation by relevant authorities.' He did not provide details about which authorities should grant such permission. The official news agency of the Islamic Republic, IRNA, quoted Firoozabadi's message on April 2, stating that in addition to prohibiting entry into the defense domain, issues such as 'complete and simultaneous lifting of all sanctions upon signing the agreement' or 'prohibiting any oversight method that turns Iran into an unconventional exception in global oversight' must also be considered. The issue of how sanctions will be lifted is among the various points of contention that the negotiating parties have had, and these disagreements have sometimes been raised in the statements of official figures. The Iranian Foreign Minister stated on April 29 in New York that if a final agreement is reached by June 30, sanctions against Iran will be lifted within a few days. Meanwhile, the U.S. Deputy Secretary of State stated that 'even after reaching a final agreement, some time will still be needed for its implementation.' Firoozabadi, in another part of his message, questioned, 'What guarantee is there that Iran, with the release of hundreds of billions of dollars from this agreement, will not invest more in cyber affairs and conventional military technologies and advanced research, and after ten years, will not become a regional and global superpower? If the scenarios of this agreement do not lead Iran towards change, all these efforts will be futile.' He stated that in the final agreement, the West must commit to 'refraining from lobbying and using political pressure groups or any third parties outside the government as tools of pressure, information gathering, news reliance, or media.' Over the past years, the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization of Iran, when it was still listed as a terrorist group by the European Union, had published parts of what was described as 'Iran's hidden nuclear programs' for military purposes. Iran has always emphasized that its nuclear program only pursues peaceful goals. During Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency, Iran's nuclear file went to the United Nations Security Council, and the process of approving international and unilateral sanctions began as a result. In the message from the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of Iran, other issues were also raised; he requested that in the final agreement, 'the five negotiating countries commit to cooperate with the Islamic Republic of Iran in combating the construction and completion of nuclear weapons at the regional level.' Since the negotiating parties with Iran are six countries, there was no mention of which 'five countries' should make such a commitment. In another part of this message, Firoozabadi requested that all technical matters that are subject to activity or performance limitations be 'subject to sale or transfer based on the agreed rate and amount between the two parties.' He also stated that Iran must have the right to return to unlimited enrichment conditions as soon as possible if 'any member of the 5+1 does not pay attention to the implementation of the agreements.'