Four Points of Rift Between Khamenei and Rouhani

Hassan Rouhani is the fourth president to have passed through the Guardian Council's vetting process and been endorsed by the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei after an engineered election. Typically, government heads approved by Khamenei base their approach on cooperation and obedience to him, but after a short period, they face maximum recommendations from the office of the Supreme Leader and extensive interventions in all decision-making processes. Thus, during the four and then eight-year presidential terms, the rift between the head of government and the leader of the Islamic Republic increases daily until it ultimately leads to labels such as 'leaders of sedition' (for Mohammad Khatami), 'insightless experts' (for Hashemi Rafsanjani), or 'deviant' (for Ahmadinejad). The rift between Khamenei and Ahmadinejad culminated in a 11-day standoff during his sixth year in office. Today, a number of political and financial prisoners are former collaborators of previous Islamic Republic presidents who would not be in prison if the rift between the leader and the head of government had not increased. The same is happening with Rouhani's government. These days, statements from the Supreme Leader and the head of government indicate that they are speaking to each other but addressing other groups. It seems that four areas of rift between Khamenei and Rouhani are forming and increasing. These four points were evident during the electoral campaigns between Rouhani and Jalili, where Khamenei was clearly on Jalili's side, but for about a year, Khamenei spoke less directly on these issues. However, these days he is more openly opposing the government's ideas. These four areas are: 1) How to deal with the United States, 2) How to strategize the economy under sanctions, 3) How to advance nuclear negotiations, and 4) How to resolve internal political disputes related to economic issues. All four areas are priorities for Rouhani's government and are conditions that both have the circumstances to propose and the leader has not previously opposed them absolutely, and there are contradictory methods between Khamenei's approach and Khomeini's behavior regarding them. Irreconcilable enmity with the United States: Rouhani, in the context of sanctions and tensions with the outside world, seeks peace with the United States: 'The Imam, who stood against the enemy and arrogance at various times and taught us to resist arrogance, had the courage to choose the path of peace when necessary.' (Alef, February 8, 2015) However, Khamenei beats the drum of enmity even during negotiations: 'In these various negotiations taking place these days, the Iranian nation should keep an eye on these negotiations; they should see the rude comments of American officials, recognize the enemy. Some want to divert the people's attention from the enmity of the enemy; no, see the enmity.' (Personal website, February 19, 2014) In the above statement, Rouhani is asking Khamenei to drink the poison chalice by recalling the acceptance of Resolution 598, but Khamenei continues to seek resistance against the West on the nuclear issue. Regarding solving the country's economic problems, Rouhani sees the solution in the success of nuclear negotiations: 'For years and decades, our economy has subsidized politics. That is, our economy subsidizes both foreign and domestic policy, and it would be good if we acted the other way around once and subsidized the economy from domestic and foreign policy to see what life and livelihood of the people and youth employment will be.' (ISNA, January 14, 2015) However, Khamenei has a different view in this regard: 'You must take the weapon of sanctions out of the enemy's hands because if you look to the enemy, the sanctions will remain as they are, just as the Americans today shamelessly say that if Iran concedes even a little on the nuclear issue, the sanctions will not be lifted all at once. With these realities, can one trust such an enemy? I am not against negotiation, but I believe that one should place their heart on truly hopeful points, not on imaginary points.' (Alef, January 17, 2015) Rouhani wants to get the economy moving by concluding negotiations, but Khamenei is pursuing the idea of a resistant economy, the frameworks of which are unclear. If oil is not to be the main source of government income in a resistant economy (which seems to be the case given the oil sanctions), then the government must manage through taxes. However, institutions under the leader's supervision, which control a significant part of the country's economy, do not pay taxes. Rouhani sees no relationship between nuclear negotiations and values and ideals. He relates this issue to interests: 'At the negotiating table, neither they nor we discuss ideals and principles, because in today's world, every country seeks its own interests. Therefore, the basis of foreign policy discussion is interests, not principles and ideals.' (ISNA, January 14, 2015) However, Ali Khamenei has always linked ideals (which are unclear) to negotiations: 'Sanctions have created problems for the country, but if the enemy conditions the lifting of them on some fundamental and ideological issues, including abandoning Islam, independence, and scientific progress, certainly no official's honor will accept it... Of course, the enemy currently does not explicitly deal with ideals, but if there is a retreat, they will later come after the ideals, so one must wisely understand the enemy's proposals, words, and actions.' (Alef, February 17, 2015) The controversy surrounding the walk between Zarif and Kerry created by Khamenei's loyalists in the media and governmental circles is precisely based on linking negotiations to ideals and values, and Khamenei has remained silent to control all aspects of the negotiation process in this regard. Of course, Khamenei's official website published materials from Khamenei regarding the enmity of the United States under the title 'Imaginary Points' along with a photo of Zarif and Kerry walking, indicating that the Supreme Leader has also sided with Zarif's critics.