Great Kurdistan: The Dream of a Secret Society in Mahabad

(In previous sections, we saw how in 1945, a party named the 'Democratic Party of Azerbaijan' was established and after nearly three months of conflict, managed to declare autonomy in the Azerbaijan province, which at that time was under Soviet occupation. In this section, we begin examining the events in Mahabad.) Shortly after the establishment of the 'National Government of Azerbaijan', one of the most significant consequences of this autonomy declared in the occupied regions of Iran was the formation of a new political unit in parts of the northernmost Kurdish regions of Iran, which are currently part of West Azerbaijan province and were considered part of the 'Fourth Province' of the country centered in the city of Urmia at that time. This organization was called the 'Kurdistan Republic' and continued its existence with Mahabad as its capital, mirroring the 'National Government of Azerbaijan' in Tabriz; until the day the Soviet forces withdrew from Iran and the negotiations between the Turks and Kurds with Tehran failed, leading to the dismantling of the autonomous government in Azerbaijan, and shortly thereafter, the 'Kurdistan Republic' also vanished and became part of history. What were the roots and contexts of this organization? What position did it hold within the structure of the Azerbaijani government? Why did its name carry the key title 'Republic' unlike the 'National Government of Azerbaijan'? And what was its fate? This segment of the program and the upcoming sections will address these questions and the organization known in history as the 'Republic of Mahabad'. Kurdish Nationalism The Kurds, at a time when the concept of 'nationalism' became a magical word for ethnic groups around the world at the beginning of the 20th century, did not lag behind in forming political parties. However, not in Iran. Rather, on the other side of Iran's western borders, where a large group of Kurds had lived for many years under the rule of Turkish sultans of the Ottoman Empire. Abbas Vali, a professor at Bogazici University in Istanbul and author of books such as 'The Kurds and Government in Iran' and 'Kurdish Nationalism in Iran: The Forgotten Years', believes that there is a gap of nearly half a century in Kurdish nationalism between the Kurds of Iran and the rest of the Kurds. He states: 'As far as the issue of nationalism and national identity is concerned, the origin of this view and later, the nationalist movement, was in the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century. It was there that the first Kurdish nationalist publications were released, and nationalist and ethnic groups emerged. Such a movement was not seen among the Kurds in Iran at that time.' However, the situation of the neighboring empire fundamentally changed during World War I. The Ottomans were defeated in the war and completely disintegrated. At this time, the victors of the war imposed a treaty on the dying Ottoman Empire, known as the 'Sevres Treaty' named after the place of its signing in France. This treaty outlined the complete disintegration of the Ottoman Empire step by step, and a small part of what we now know as Turkey was considered the land of the Turks. It was also stipulated that the Kurds residing in Eastern Anatolia would participate in a referendum to establish a Kurdish state. This clause of the 'Sevres Treaty' was the result of the organizational activities of Kurds who had formed a party called 'Kurdish Improvement Society' in Istanbul in 1918. However, the rebellion of nationalist Turkish military leaders led by Mustafa Kemal, and his ultimate victory against Britain and France at the end of the Turkish War of Independence, completely obliterated the 'Sevres Treaty' and the possibility of establishing an independent Kurdish state. The idea of a 'Kurdistan' was not allowed to materialize by Atatürk. However, the idea of such a country did not disappear. Thus, various Kurdish political parties were formed in the Kurdish regions that we now know as Turkey, Iraq, and Syria. In Iran, however, the first coherent and significant action in the history of Kurdish political organizations occurred decades later; in the midst of World War II when Iran was occupied by the Soviets and the British, and the central government of Reza Shah collapsed overnight. Haman Sidi, a researcher on Kurdish issues in London, believes that ultimately what led a group of Kurds in Iran to embrace nationalism were the policies implemented during the two decades of Reza Shah's rule prior to World War II. According to him, the Kurds had serious issues with his cultural policies regarding the official language and dress code. He states: 'Even standardizing men's clothing became a problem in this period in Kurdistan. For example, the issue of the European hat became as problematic in Kurdistan as unveiling was. Perhaps even more than unveiling, because Kurdish women did not have anything like a veil or chador, but Kurdish men had specific hats that were important for them to maintain.' From the perspective of this researcher, the political organization that formed among the Kurds during the Soviet occupation of Iran was actually a reaction to Reza Shah's policies. This organization was named 'Kurd Revival Society' and was formed in the city of Mahabad; the heart of one of the oldest Kurdish tribes in Iran known as the Makri tribe with a population that was mostly Sunni. Abbas Vali speaks about this group: 'The Kurd Revival Society, or Kurdish Resurrection or actually 'Komala Zhiyanewe Kurd', was established in 1942 [Shahrivar 1321] in the city of Mahabad. The individuals who formed this group were mainly from the urban petty bourgeoisie in Mahabad. Most of them were those who had studied in schools established during Reza Shah's era. These individuals generally either worked in government offices or owned small businesses. They had an ideology and program of Kurdish and Kurdistani nationalism. One of the most active individuals in this group was a man named Abdul Rahman Zabihi, who was also the editor of the newspaper Komala published under the name Nishtiman or Homeland in Mahabad. If we look at the discourse of this newspaper, we see that it called for the independence of Kurdistan and sought to establish a government in Great Kurdistan.' However, this group, known in the region's history as 'Komala Zh.K.', continued its activities in a completely secretive manner, despite the relatively free atmosphere prevailing in the country as a result of the occupation and the exile of Reza Shah. As Hassan Qazi, another researcher of Kurdish history in Sweden, states, the structure and order of Komala Zh.K. resembled more of a secret society than a political party. He says: 'This group recruited members in a manner similar to the hidden center that was active during the Constitutional Revolution [the secret organization of the Social Democratic Party in Tabriz], and in Komala Zh.K., membership was kept very secretive, with no one except two or three people knowing that someone was a member of Komala. The method of the membership ceremony and the oath of loyalty to the group was also very similar to the hidden center in Tabriz. In this way, they would take them to a dark room where the Quran was present, and the flag of Kurdistan was on one side, and the seven articles of the group were on the other side, and the new member would take an oath of loyalty in this ceremony.' Despite the intense secrecy, Komala Zh.K. gradually managed to attract more intellectuals and activists in the Kurdish regions occupied by the Soviets during the years of war. Until two years after the establishment of this group, one of the most prominent figures in Mahabad, from an influential and old family, joined Komala Zh.K.: a man named Qazi Muhammad. (In the next section, we will continue to examine the contexts of Kurdish nationalism and delve into the ideology and demands of Komala Zh.K. We will also discuss Qazi Muhammad and the significance of his joining this group.)