Hojjatoleslam Raisi Becomes 'Ayatollah'

Ebrahim Raisi, a member of the Assembly of Experts, also holds the positions of prosecutor of the Special Clerical Court and custodian of the Astan Quds Razavi by the decree of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. According to some observers, he is considered one of the main candidates to succeed Ayatollah Khamenei. In addition to Raisi's long background and significant record in the judicial and security institutions of the Islamic Republic, and regardless of the trust bestowed upon him by the top of the political system and his close relationship with the leadership and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, his clerical status is also an important element. Although Raisi initially does not hold a meaningful position or title in the political power structure, he is visibly articulating political positions, and a significant portion of government media highlights his meetings and views. A noteworthy and significant development regarding Raisi has occurred in recent weeks. His statements are no longer published with the title 'Hojjatoleslam' but with the prefix 'Ayatollah.' This event cannot be considered ordinary or insignificant, at least concerning Raisi. Raisi is a member of the Assembly of Experts, and according to the law, one of the conditions for the elected members of this assembly is 'ijtihad' to the extent that they 'have the ability to infer some jurisprudential issues.' Ayatollah Khamenei, in two decrees appointing Raisi as the prosecutor of the Special Clerical Court and custodian of the Astan Quds Razavi, referred to him as 'Hojjatoleslam' (in the years 1391 and 1394). Until a few weeks ago, official media in the Islamic Republic rarely used any title other than 'Hojjatoleslam' when reporting on Raisi. However, in recent weeks, especially since the beginning of the current month of Mehr, Raisi has been noticeably introduced with the title 'Ayatollah.' The Fars News Agency, close to the IRGC, quotes 'Ayatollah' Raisi stating that 'the blessing of the Guardianship of the Jurist is the best blessing that God has bestowed upon our nation.' Tasnim, another news agency close to the IRGC, also quotes 'Ayatollah' Raisi saying that 'under no circumstances should trust be placed in the enemy. They adhere to no covenant; as has become clear to everyone today after the events of the JCPOA, the enemy is not trustworthy.' Notably, in recent days, the information base of the Astan Quds Razavi no longer refers to Raisi as 'Hojjatoleslam' but introduces him as 'Ayatollah.' This has become particularly evident following the announcement of the start of 'Ayatollah Raisi's advanced jurisprudence classes.' Earlier (on the first of Mehr), his trip to South Khorasan and his attendance at the provincial administrative council meeting were reported as 'the two-day trip of Ayatollah Raisi.' Raisi's personal website has also referred to him as 'Ayatollah' since the beginning of Mehr. The Instagram account of the custodian of the Astan Quds Razavi has recently introduced him as 'Ayatollah Raisi.' What is the difference between Hojjatoleslam and Ayatollah? Titles such as Hojjatoleslam and Ayatollah— in the meaning that is now prevalent— do not have a long historical background (about a century). The main difference relates to a cleric reaching the rank of ijtihad and later claiming religious authority. The title 'Hojjatoleslam' became famous for Imam Muhammad Ghazali, a renowned Shafi'i jurist, in the fifth century AH. However, for years, this title has not satisfied many clerics— especially those concerned with power— who seek to attain the title 'Ayatollah.' Thus, depending on promotional and media opportunities and even political relations, one cleric can be referred to and introduced as 'Ayatollah,' while another may not even be deemed worthy of the title 'Hojjatoleslam.' For example, the renowned jurist and mujtahid Ayatollah Montazeri, due to his critical views, has long been introduced by the official media platforms of the Islamic Republic sometimes without any suffix. Another example is Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani; media close to him introduce the head of the Expediency Discernment Council as 'Ayatollah,' while his opposing and critical media do not even refer to this member of the Assembly of Experts as 'Hojjatoleslam.' With Raisi becoming 'Ayatollah,' he further solidifies his position among the candidates for the third leadership in the Islamic Republic. This list is not very extensive, and Raisi is noticeably increasing his chances within it. He is attempting to rearticulate the fundamental viewpoints of the top of the political system to make himself more prominent in the eyes and hearts of the supporters of the government and leadership. For example, he emphasizes that 'the Western model is not suitable for our progress'; he also adds, 'the basis of our elections is duty-oriented; in a religious society, everyone must have a single opinion. The Guardianship of the Jurist is the same as the government of Ali, and no must or must not should be approved contrary to religion.' Raisi, who has noticeably increased his media presence, describes 'global arrogance' (the Supreme Leader's term for the United States) as 'modern polished ignorance' and considers human rights as 'a tool for the oppression of the arrogant against the rights of nations.' Meanwhile, following the release of an audio file of Ayatollah Montazeri's remarks during a meeting with the committee responsible for the 1988 executions, of which Raisi was also a member, he has refrained from any official and direct comment. However, the secretariat of the Assembly of Experts, of which Raisi is the deputy and head of its office, issued a strong statement against the release of the audio file, calling it 'a controversial exhumation,' an act to 'cleanse the traitors,' stemming from 'malice and resentment' towards the leader of the revolution, and with 'sinister goals.' These political relations and statements do not prevent Raisi from deepening his relationship with the traditional sector of the seminary. From this perspective, for example, he and his supporters prominently promote news of his meeting with Ayatollah Wahid Khorasani. While the current leader of the Islamic Republic acquired the title 'Ayatollah' overnight after the death of Ayatollah Khomeini and assuming the leadership of the system, Raisi already carries the title 'Ayatollah' with him; just like Hashemi Shahroudi and Sadegh Larijani, other prominent candidates for the leadership succession. Regardless of how serious Ayatollah Khamenei's illness is, 'Ayatollah' Seyyed Ebrahim Raisi, backed by the ruling security apparatus of the IRGC, the support of the leadership's household, and his closeness to the hardliners in the seminary (including Ayatollah Alamolhoda, his father-in-law), increasingly positions himself as one of the main candidates for future leadership in the Islamic Republic (in the absence of the current leader).