Initial Obstacles in Canada's Desire to Renew Relations with Iran

One of the factors in the foreign policy record of any government at the end of its term is the presentation of a report on strengthening relations and diplomatic ties with other countries. Now, at the end of the third year of Hassan Rouhani's presidency, his foreign policy record in this regard is not only not brilliant but contains numerous instances of severed political relations with Tehran. At least since January 2016, there have been seven instances of severed political relations with Tehran. These include the severance of relations with Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Somalia, Sudan, Djibouti, Comoros, and the Maldives. Although this large number of severed political relations occurred following the attack on the Saudi embassy by the hardline faction, this failing is recorded in Hassan Rouhani's government record. In this context, the will of Justin Trudeau's liberal government to reconsider Ottawa's severance of relations with Tehran, which occurred four years ago during Stephen Harper's conservative government, has revealed glimmers of hope that Rouhani's de-escalation policy, especially after the nuclear crisis, has not gone unanswered in the Arab world but seems to be encountering better reception in the West. The Trudeau government, witnessing the visits of officials from Western countries from Australia to Europe to Tehran, does not want to leave Tehran's goodwill in the nuclear case unanswered. In addition, it is not unaware of the requests of several tens of thousands of Iranian nationals residing in Canada who need consular services from Iran. The beginning of negotiations for renewing relations while maintaining criticisms According to the latest news, Canadian Foreign Minister Stéphane Dion announced in an interview with CBC television that formal negotiations between the two governments to renew diplomatic relations have begun. In fact, reconsidering the current status of severing relations with Tehran was one of Justin Trudeau's electoral promises. He had promised that if he assumed the office of Prime Minister of Canada, he would restart relations with Tehran. Despite this clear desire and although the Canadian Foreign Minister stated that Ottawa's severance of relations with Tehran was an 'unreasonable' act, he left no doubt that his government's position towards Tehran remains critical. He stated that: 'The case of human rights violations by the Islamic Republic, its support for Bashar al-Assad and Hezbollah, and its threats against Israel are still major issues that Canada has a 'big problem' with.' Despite these differences with Tehran, the Canadian Foreign Minister justified his country's desire to renew relations with Tehran by saying: 'How can one help the Middle East without being present in Tehran?' Just as the severance of relations by Arab countries (although caused by the hardline faction in Iran) is considered a weakness in Rouhani's record, the assumption of renewing relations with an important country like Canada (despite maintaining its critical positions) would be considered a strength for Rouhani's government. On the other hand, we are aware that the power structure in the Islamic Republic's governance is divided. The pragmatic faction of the government, especially under the leadership of Mohammad Javad Zarif, seeks to renew Iran's relations with the world in the shadow of the nuclear agreement, while the hardline faction of the government wants to disrupt the JCPOA and return to the pre-nuclear negotiation era. For example, Hossein Shariatmadari, the editor-in-chief of Kayhan and representative of Ayatollah Khamenei, welcomed Donald Trump's statement that he would cancel the JCPOA if he entered the White House. As mentioned, the policy of 'constructive engagement' by Rouhani's government has not been welcomed in the Arab world so far, but evidence suggests that it has received significant favor from the U.S. and its allies in the West. Canada is not an exception in this regard. In his interview with CBC television, the Canadian Foreign Minister revealed an important secret, stating: 'Renewing relations with Tehran is not only our wish but also the request of our allies [likely the U.S.].' In a situation where such a desire has emerged in Canada to reconsider relations between the two countries, and according to the Canadian Foreign Minister, formal negotiations between the two sides have already begun, the arrest of Ms. Homa Hoodfar, an Iranian-Canadian citizen, by the intelligence protection of the Revolutionary Guards represents the first obstruction by the hardline faction of the government in the normalization of relations that Hassan Rouhani and Justin Trudeau have shown interest in. Ms. Hoodfar (64 years old), an anthropology professor at Concordia University in Canada, was recently arrested during a trip to Iran to visit her relatives, and there is no information about her health status. Naturally, remembering the murder of Ms. Zahra Kazemi, another Iranian-Canadian citizen in Iran in 2003, has raised concerns about the health of Ms. Homa Hoodfar, as there is no information about her health and the reason for her arrest. It is evident that the arrest of Ms. Hoodfar will increase the pressures on Justin Trudeau's government, which seeks to renew relations with Tehran, just as the Ontario court's ruling regarding the payment of $13 million in compensation from Iranian assets to the families of American victims killed by Hezbollah and Hamas will also subject Rouhani's government to criticism regarding renewing relations with Canada. In other words, while Hassan Rouhani's government and Justin Trudeau have a desire to renew political relations, each faces significant pressures from within their own countries. Despite these difficulties, it can be assumed that the Canadian government is well aware of the fragmented power structure in Iran and has a sufficient understanding of the reality that the intelligence protection of the Revolutionary Guards is an unaccountable entity to Rouhani's government and has likely arrested Ms. Hoodfar with the intent to disrupt the normalization process of Tehran-Ottawa relations. Likewise, Rouhani's government is also aware that if, in the absence of a good relationship with Ottawa, $13 million in compensation has been taken from Iranian assets today, such incidents can be repeated in the future under these conditions. As stated, it is not unexpected that firstly, such obstructions may be repeated, and secondly, despite these kinds of hindrances, political negotiations for renewing diplomatic relations between the two countries may continue, albeit slowly and gradually.