Initiative and All of Molaweardi's Legacy

With the end of Shahindokht Molaverdi's tenure as the Vice President for Women and Family Affairs, she handed her seat to Masoumeh Ebtekar; a woman who is among the few Iranian female politicians and has returned to the Women's Affairs Office after 20 years of activity in the environmental sector. This comes as criticisms of Molaverdi's performance in the Women’s Affairs Office have intensified following her transfer to the Citizens' Rights Office; criticisms that sometimes do not target her directly but rather the organizational processes and the ups and downs of the policies governing it. Mahbubeh Abbasgholizadeh, a women’s rights activist residing in the U.S., believes the criticism of Molaverdi's performance is not only a result of her actions but also of the organizational performance she took over four years ago: "We must look at what organization Ms. Molaverdi inherited, and the organization handed over to her was a ruin; all the books, research, and films that had even been compiled during previous reformist governments had been destroyed or lost; all the bills that could have advanced women's rights, such as the bill against violence against women or bills related to reforming the country's employment laws... all of these had regressed due to the policies of the conservative government before Mr. Rouhani. In my opinion, the effort that Ms. Molaverdi made as a legal expert, alongside good legal advisors like Ms. Gerami, was to fundamentally reform these bills with the help of other ministries." Looking at the list of activities of the Women’s Affairs Office during the eleventh government, issues such as support for working women, the bill for women's security against violence, women's access to stadiums, reforming the passport law and women's exit from the country, adoption marriage with guardians, insurance for housewives, maternity leave for women, and citizenship for children resulting from marriages between Iranian women and foreign nationals are noted; issues that, despite extensive discussions in the media and rising debates for and against, have almost none reached a definitive conclusion. Ms. Abbasgholizadeh states that this outcome was not entirely unexpected: "The issue here is that the women’s movement and women’s equality groups relied too much on her. Before being appointed to this position, although she was doing legal work, most of her work was political and she had no executive experience. It is precisely because she was a balanced and quiet individual that she was appointed. Another positive aspect of Ms. Molaverdi's performance is that she never said anything on social media—which she was actually quite active on—that would provoke the anger of equality advocates. On the contrary, Ms. Molaverdi's main enemies were conservatives. We can say that they perhaps created a crisis for Ms. Molaverdi every month and complaints and indeed various obstructions were created through the judiciary and parliament. But at the same time, we must consider Ms. Molaverdi within the framework and stature of Mr. Rouhani's conservative government and the organization that she inherited, which was a headless and tailless entity. And now the legacy of this organization, which according to Mahbubeh Abbasgholizadeh is headless and tailless, has reached Masoumeh Ebtekar, a woman who organized the network of women’s NGOs from 1993 to 1997 and took responsibility for it. This background is not considered a record in the field of feminist activities by Shirin Ebadi, a lawyer and women’s rights activist: "The most important issue of women's rights in Iran is that the Islamic Republic fundamentally does not believe in gender equality. That is, feminism is a red line for the government, so when someone creates a collection according to government permission and command, it cannot be counted as a record of feminist activity." The ink of Masoumeh Ebtekar’s appointment has barely dried when opposition to the most prestigious outcome of the Women’s Affairs Office during the eleventh government has begun. A judiciary official has questioned the "bill to combat violence against women," stating that this bill was "merely drafted from a gender perspective" and needs to be reviewed. The question is whether Masoumeh Ebtekar can complete unfinished work with such serious opponents? Sudeh Rad, an equality activist in Paris, responds: "Mr. Rouhani's policy and their government have never been so egalitarian and progressive regarding women and gender equality that we can now hope they want to make more serious changes. During the first term of Mr. Rouhani's presidency and with Ms. Molaverdi's vice presidency, with the help of the women’s movement, activists, and even the text of society, the demands that women had moved two steps forward, and then Ms. Molaverdi, as the spokesperson for the government in the area of women and family, who was actually responsible for gender equality, would take these demands three steps back, saying we cannot do it now, or now is not the time, or it is on the agenda. In the second term of Mr. Rouhani's government, despite the promises made during the election campaign, unfortunately, with the replacement of Ms. Molaverdi with Ms. Ebtekar, we already know that they will not implement even the policies they promised. Throughout Ms. Ebtekar's years of effort in the environmental sector, we saw that they could never stand radially or firmly against the demands of the government or, in any case, those who oppose them. She is a complete example of moderation without harming anyone. Now we want to see what they will do in the area of women." Criticisms of Ms. Molaverdi's performance continue, while previously, women's issues experts in Iran had stated that during Hassan Rouhani's government, merely having Shahindokht Molaverdi in the position of Vice President for Women had broken the taboo of lobbying with the government. Shirin Ebadi remarks on the relationship between women’s movement activists and Ms. Molaverdi: "The independent part of this movement, which stands on its own feet and leads and guides its reasonable and independent demands, did not work with Ms. Molaverdi. A number of women who were usually willing to cooperate with government sectors were sometimes allowed into Ms. Molaverdi's office. Essentially, the biggest obstacle to the advancement of women's rights in Iran is that the government is unwilling to listen to the voices of independent women activists and does not hold meetings with them." Beginning a new feminist discourse in Iran However, now that only a week has passed since the start of the twelfth government, Masoumeh Ebtekar has elaborated on her strategy in her area of responsibility. In an interview with the Shahrvand newspaper, in response to the question of whether she considers herself an equality advocate, she replied: "Now I prefer not to use these terms; that is, whether we want to open a door that you are an equality advocate or you will be balanced and...; it is better that it is not like this." She further stated: "The human identity of women and men is based on the verses of the Holy Quran, an identical identity, and the Quran says that women and men are created from one soul. This cannot be denied. However, in the social roles and responsibilities and rights assigned to them, there are two genders, and there are definitely differences in this regard." Mahbubeh Abbasgholizadeh considers these remarks the beginning of a new discourse among feminists, women’s movement activists, and opponents of equality activities in Iran, stating: "Government feminists during Ms. Molaverdi's term were subject to and influenced by the dominant secular discourse of the women’s movement and, in other words, the human rights discourse of women's rights, and for this reason, they were attacked by conservatives. But Ms. Ebtekar's discourse is not the dominant secular human rights discourse but rather returns more to the discussion of identity and culture from an Islamic perspective, without relying on interpretations and Sharia, and based on a direct understanding of the Quran. Therefore, we should expect that a special feminist discourse will also be presented through government women during her term." Sudeh Rad, however, believes that this new discourse could create a fundamental change in the perspective on women's issues in Iran: "Ms. Ebtekar's remarks clearly indicate that she is among essentialist feminists, of course, if they are feminists and if they believe in equal rights. Let me give you an example; for instance, if we see tomorrow that in Iran the maternity leave period is extended, or women can return to their workplaces more easily after their maternity leave, it will not be because Ms. Ebtekar thinks women are human beings and human beings have equal rights and therefore must have equal access to jobs; rather, they think that a woman, because she was born a woman, is a mother, and therefore must be able to mother. We may see good effects in society, but not for the right reasons. That something is done is very good, but when it is due to incorrect and essentialist reasons, we will see its harm not only in the coming years but also simultaneously in various areas.