Inside Russia: A Picture of Hopes, Fears, and Discontent in a War-Torn Society

When Kirill Babkin was younger, he and his siblings became orphans after their alcoholic mother lost parental rights. Last spring, after his mother's death in a house fire, the 19-year-old Babkin volunteered to fight in Ukraine, signing a contract that promised a high salary to support his surviving siblings. He was killed in Ukraine last September and buried on December 11 in Yelabuga, Tatarstan - the same place where Russia, with Iran's help, produces Shahed drones to destroy Ukraine's civilian infrastructure. When his obituary and tragic story were published on the social network 'VKontakte,' readers expressed their condolences and opinions about the war's developments. A person named Ildus wrote: 'I am sorry for his brothers and sisters. He tried to ensure they had a prosperous life. This is very painful and sad.' However, another individual responded: 'He took up arms for his family's comfortable life to go to a foreign country and take the lives of people there? I am truly sorry.' Such reactions, as the full-scale invasion of Ukraine nears its third year, provide a small window into significant changes in Russian society. Vladimir Putin's increasingly authoritarian rule has stifled dissent and political opposition, criminalizing criticism of the armed forces - or even open discussion about the nature or meaning of the war. The suppression of any voice not aligned with the Kremlin has made it difficult for sociologists, polling centers, and journalists seeking the opinions of ordinary Russians, especially in regions farther from Moscow and St. Petersburg. In recent weeks, journalists from the Tatar section of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty interviewed dozens of people, mainly in Tatarstan and Bashkortostan - regions that have sent the most personnel to the war and suffered more casualties than other parts of Russia. These interviews were conducted through encrypted messages on social networks. To avoid punishment and threats from security services, all names have been changed. Irina, a 52-year-old social worker from Ufa, says: 'If we want to talk about the war and its impact on each of us and our country, I can say things are getting worse and worse.' She added: 'The war is getting closer and the fear of it is pervasive. Of course, this fear increases the hope that those who have not yet understood the depth of the disaster will eventually wake up.' Alisa, a 30-year-old who promotes a business on social media based in Samara, wrote in response to reporters' questions about the war's impact on her daily life: 'What can I say? I no longer follow the news. This is a defense mechanism to continue my seemingly normal life in these disastrous conditions.' Russian officials do not publish casualty figures for the war. The list of war dead, compiled jointly by the Russian BBC and the publication 'Meduza,' lists over 90,000 names. Western intelligence officials estimate Russian military casualties at over 700,000; a British official predicted that by next autumn, the number of Russian soldiers killed and wounded on the fronts in Ukraine would reach one million. Estimates from Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty identify Tatarstan and Bashkortostan as regions that have suffered the most damage from the war. Eryk, a 55-year-old from Ufa who works for a cultural institution, says: 'The voices of those who remain in Russia are increasingly silenced.' According to him, 'Many Russian citizens have chosen silence and do not express their thoughts at all. But one cannot ignore the disabled people walking in military uniforms, with crutches or in wheelchairs on the city streets. Cemeteries are filled with flags placed on new graves.' The Russian economy in previous years significantly focused on strengthening the middle class. However, after the start of Russia's war against Ukraine, the military industries have become the engine of the economy. Additionally, Western sanctions have pressured workers and entrepreneurs, disrupted trade relations with Europe, and forced many companies to shift their trade routes south and east. Those who spoke with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty acknowledged that everyday problems are increasing. Many expressed surprise and regret that instead of products that Russians had become accustomed to in recent years, they now have to contend with Iranian Coca-Cola and Chinese cars. However, Denis, a 45-year-old researcher at Ufa University, says: 'Russian citizens look to the future with hope and are optimistic about the country's economic resilience.' According to him, 'The impacts of the war have become a background noise for many people.' He elaborates: 'I can't buy Italian clothes. I can't fly to Barcelona for the weekend. I can't buy a European car, or rather, I can do all these things, just at a much higher cost than before.' Denis added: 'Now, instead of Barcelona, one can travel, for example, to Bukhara, the ancient and very beautiful city. Of course, the cost of flying to Bukhara is three times more expensive than the price of a ticket to Barcelona.' Eryk continued to point out the numerous explosions of Chinese cars that have replaced Western brands, adding: 'Chinese cars are disposable, and this problem will likely seriously affect us in the future because repair shops currently cannot cope with the volume of problematic vehicles.' According to Eryk, 'Chinese phones are the same.' He also reported on the 'boom' in home appliance repair services, explaining: 'People are now repairing more old appliances and buying fewer new ones.' Meanwhile, in Tatarstan and other regions, volunteer soldiers who have received financial assistance as rewards for signing contracts with the Ministry of Defense and salaries for fighting in Ukraine or for the families of the deceased are 'raking in money.' In some areas, large purchases have caused a 'flood of money' and a boost to the local economy. Some of those who spoke with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty said that although they are not poor, they see no hope for progress, but 'emigration is not an option.' Larisa, a 28-year-old who works in the cultural sector of the Samara government, says: 'I can't say the standard of living has fallen. On the contrary, in some areas, the minimum wage has been raised. But with this salary, you can't leave the country, even if you want to.' For Rustam, a 27-year-old computer programmer from Saratov, the blocking of YouTube and Discord was the biggest problem last year. He says: 'In 2024, I upgraded my computer and bought a new television. But inflation has skyrocketed, interest rates have increased, and the value of the national currency decreases every day. These developments affect the standard of living, although not to the extent that I reach poverty or go hungry.' In Samara, like in other large and small cities across Russia, wherever you look, advertisements for 'the duty of a patriot' along with rewards for volunteer soldiers are visible. Dmitry, a 41-year-old worker from Samara, says: 'When I see these annoying advertisements with promises of astronomical payments, I have to stop myself from laughing uncontrollably.' According to him, 'In the last two or three months, the rewards for volunteers sent to the front have doubled.' Dmitry added: 'This tells me that the government cannot mobilize anyone and is only enticing people with money.' He added: 'It would be interesting to know if such money actually reaches these volunteers. I have heard from those who went to Ukraine that most of those who went to the front for money were killed very quickly.'