Iran Against ISIS, ISIS in Iran

Senior political and military officials of the Islamic Republic repeatedly claim that one of the reasons for Iran's military presence in Syria is to prevent ISIS attacks and maintain the security of Iran's borders. At the same time, however, official news agencies in Iran report the implementation of flogging sentences against 17 mine workers and 35 students. The blatant human rights violations by ISIS in the areas under their control are criticized by Iranian rulers; however, simultaneously, the judiciary of the Islamic Republic, by issuing strange and inhumane sentences, becomes a representative of a facet of the 'ISIS mindset' in Iran. Flogging of Workers and Students As reported by the Iranian Labor News Agency, after a protest by a group of gold mine workers in Aghdareh, West Azerbaijan, in response to the dismissal of 350 workers from this mine, and following a complaint by the employer, 17 of these workers were sentenced to pay fines and endure flogging. The charges against these workers included 'preventing and obstructing people from conducting business by creating uproar and commotion,' 'insulting the company guard,' 'destroying the guard's clothing and illegal detention,' and 'intentional destruction of the company's sign,' with each of them forced to endure 30 to 100 lashes. In another regrettable report, the judiciary-affiliated news agency announced that the prosecutor's office in Qazvin had arrested 35 boys and girls who were 'dancing and celebrating' at a graduation party in a garden and punished them with 99 lashes. The Qazvin prosecutor proudly reported the 'extraordinary session' and the 'execution of the flogging sentence for all defendants the day after their arrest,' describing the issuance and execution of flogging sentences as a 'lesson for transgressors.' This judicial official emphasized that 'thankfully, within less than 24 hours, the interrogation, investigations, court session, issuance of the verdict, and execution of the sentence' were completed. Interestingly, a day before the above news was published, the head of the criminal court in Tehran Province announced: 'For a long time, the court has requested inquiries in the case of the former president [Mahmoud Ahmadinejad] from various institutions, but no institution has responded yet.' For Security; Against ISIS in Syria One of the propaganda claims of the ruling authoritarian regime to justify the military presence of the Islamic Republic in Syria is to ensure the security of Iranians and combat the threat of ISIS hundreds of kilometers away from Iran's borders. In a significant testimony, the leader of the Islamic Republic, who repeatedly describes Syria and the Assad regime as the 'Resistance Front' and 'strategic depth' of the Islamic Republic, claimed that 'if these [defenders of the shrine] did not fight, this enemy would come into the country. If it were not stopped, we would have to fight them here in Kermanshah and Hamadan and other provinces.' This claim, which is indeed a propaganda cover to justify and pursue the security and ideological projects of Ayatollah Khamenei and the IRGC, has also been echoed by other government allies. For example, last month (Ordibehesht), the executive deputy of the IRGC in Tehran Province said: 'Some people ask why we should defend Syria? I must say that if our youth do not defend Islam in Syria today, the enemy will come easily into the field in Vanak. If Iran stands firm today, it is solely because of the martyrs of the shrine defenders and the martyrs of the eight years of sacred defense.' Similarly, the deputy chairman of the National Security Commission of the ninth parliament claimed that 'if we do not fight ISIS in Syria, we must fight in Qasr-e Shirin and Abadan.' Even Majid Ansari, the parliamentary deputy of Rouhani, emphasized a few weeks ago that 'today, if we do not fight ISIS in Syria, we must fight inside the country.' In summary, one of the regime's propaganda claims for its costly military presence in Syria is the fight against ISIS. But is what is happening in the security and judicial sectors of the Islamic Republic alien to the thought and behavior of ISIS? Are Iranian citizens not in insecurity and under threat due to the government's actions? The Supreme Leader, 'Islamic State' and 'Path to Paradise' The leader of the Islamic Republic is a critic of the concept of 'Merciful Islam'; in his view: 'This Merciful Islam is a keyword for teachings derived from liberalism.' The first figure of the regime is also a serious critic of the close relationships between male and female students; he states: 'Attractiveness through mixed camps is absolutely wrong and erroneous. Taking boys and girls together to the mountains, taking them on trips, taking them to Europe; foreign trips! These are definitely treason to the student environment and treason to the future generation of the country; without a doubt.' Ayatollah Khamenei also believes that 'if we are to lead the youth to sin and debauchery and forbidden music and such things, then why should we call ourselves Islamic? This is no longer Islamic; this is un-Islamic, this is anti-Islamic. These are against the interest, against the right; these are treason to the student environment.' With such positions, flogging students whose graduation celebrations are mixed and filled with dancing and joy is deserving of punishment and lashes, especially since the head of the political system states: 'Sometimes it is heard that when talking about guidance and expressing religious truths and the like, some say, Sir, are we obliged to lead people to paradise? Well, yes! Yes, that is it. The difference between an Islamic ruler and other rulers is this: an Islamic ruler wants to do something that leads people to paradise.' Ayatollah Khamenei pursues his projects and dreams. Just a few weeks ago, he referred to the 'five stages of achieving the goals of the Islamic Revolution,' considering 'the goal of the Islamic Revolution to be the realization of Islamic civilization,' and said: 'The first stage in this process is the formation of the Islamic Revolution; and after that, the establishment of an Islamic system, which was the great art of Imam Khomeini.' He considers the third stage (the current time period) to be the era of 'establishing an Islamic government' and believes that until this stage is fully realized, it will not be time to establish an 'Islamic society.' Thus, in the stage of achieving the 'Islamic government' desired by the Supreme Leader, and to reach the 'Islamic society,' Ayatollah Khamenei appoints his ideal head of the judiciary and oversees strictness against citizens and violence against critics, dissenters, and civil activists, and even citizens who have a 'different lifestyle.' While claiming to fight ISIS in Syria and ensure security for Iranians, the totalitarian regime simultaneously threatens and uses violence against the fundamental rights of citizens (from the right to work and job security and insurance for mine workers to the right to choose clothing and lifestyle and personal privacy of youth) in various ways and forms. In such a situation, Rouhani's indifference to the violation of the fundamental and civil rights of Iranians—especially the flogged workers and students—shows his disregard for the oath he took to safeguard the constitution and the rights of citizens. The story of Iran and ISIS has taken on dimensions beyond the struggle with ISIS in Syria and Iraq, and the struggle with the ISIS mindset within Iran's borders has become a continuous and daily challenge for citizens who are not aligned with the ruling authoritarian regime.