Is the Islamic Government Anti-Baha'i?

Is Baha'ism a fake religion? Why have we witnessed conflicts between Muslims and Baha'is throughout contemporary Iranian history, even before the 1979 revolution? What are the historical roots of this ongoing situation? Majid Tafreshi, a document researcher and contemporary history scholar, and Farhad Sabetan, spokesperson for the Baha'i community, are with us this week to discuss these taboos. Farhad Sabetan: Well, in my opinion, the reason for the suppression of Baha'is in Iran is a combination of fanaticism, ignorance, hatred, and to some extent, the fear of extremists, especially within the Islamic government, which is exercised due to the acquisition of power and dominance over the people. Unfortunately, this has been the case since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution until now; Baha'is have been victims of continuous, systematic, premeditated suppression under the pressure of the Islamic Republic and religious scholars. Sabetan: You mentioned engineered suppression, particularly emphasizing the role of the Islamic Republic in this suppression, but the issue of conflict between Muslims and Baha'is existed long before the Islamic Republic. Tafreshi: The fanaticism I mention existed before the Islamic Republic, and from that time, the killing of Babis began, and subsequently, the killing of Baha'is, which unfortunately has increased during the Islamic Republic's history. Tafreshi: Before entering any discussion, I must say that the environment within the Baha'i community is unfortunately unhealthy and toxic, where anyone who enters an academic discussion on Baha'ism is met with various labels; government mercenary, intelligence agent, or justifier of suppression, among other issues. Therefore, I must clarify that my issue is entirely academic and scientific, and I do not agree with the suppression of anyone in the world, including Baha'is in Iran. Tafreshi: The conflict between Islam and Baha'ism, as you mentioned, has historical roots and involves three actors: the people and scholars, the government, and the Baha'i community itself. For the government, the religious issue was not the main concern; rather, it was about security and insecurity. You see that for the first time, the issue of political assassination arose during the early reign of Nasser al-Din Shah by Babi groups and later by Baha'is in Iran, in the Ottoman Empire—whether political assassination, the assassination of dissidents, or internal conflicts within Baha'ism and the successors of Baha'u'llah and Subh-i-Azal, which led to severe clashes and insecurity. This issue of terrorism makes the matter security-related. Tafreshi: We have many examples where these assassinations were carried out under the direct orders of the Baha'i leadership and Baha'u'llah, and in fact, the beginning of this insecurity, which started from the time of Amir Kabir, continues in various forms—not necessarily in the sense of terrorism but in the sense of disobedience to the law and the status quo. Tafreshi: Therefore, without considering these conditions and only addressing the point that a community that believes in a specific belief has been suppressed throughout history and has been oppressed, this does not help the discussion. Sabetan: The claim that the Baha'i community was the source of terrorism or the initiator of terrorism that the Iranian government had to suppress for security reasons, I must say I have not seen this in any historical writing. Sabetan: I do not deny that after Sayyid Ali Muhammad Bab, the founder of the Baha'i faith, was executed by Amir Kabir, two or three Babis who were genuinely agitated attempted to assassinate Nasser al-Din Shah. This act, from the Baha'i perspective, was a heinous and unacceptable act. They faced their punishment. If we are to sacrifice a community of several hundred thousand people because two individuals attempted to assassinate the Shah—if we proceed with this logic—then Iranians should go and kill every Arab because Arabs invaded Iran a thousand years ago. This is a psychology known as 'Blaming the victim.' Tafreshi: In the book 'Tanbih al-Na'imin,' Baha'u'llah's sister refers to the assassination of Nasser al-Din Shah—this manuscript exists at Cambridge University—indicating that the assassination was ordered by Baha'u'llah. Tafreshi: We are discussing a phenomenon that has manifested itself in a way that has largely transformed, but historically it has not been like this. Tafreshi: The issue of the Baha'i leadership's presence in Israel, although it began before the establishment of the Israeli state, has created suspicions and problems and raised questions among Iranians. Tafreshi: I genuinely believe that the harsh and violent treatment against Baha'is in Iran is not beneficial for the national interests and the interests of the Islamic Republic. I think it is something that will ultimately benefit the Baha'is in the long run.