"Journalist Invention"; New Scenario of Security Projects

The issuance of initial sentences for the accused in the media infiltration case indicates an intensification of restrictions in the political and press arena. The Tasnim News Agency, close to security institutions and hardline conservatives, has reported: "Four detained journalists, Afrin Chitsaz, Ehsan Mazandarani, Davood Asadi, and Saman Safarzaei, have been sentenced to a total of 27 years in prison." According to Mahmoud Alizadeh Tabatabai, the lawyer for two of the accused, the Tehran Revolutionary Court sentenced Afrin Chitsaz to 10 years in prison for conspiracy to undermine security and for connections with foreign governments, Ehsan Mazandarani, the editor-in-chief of Farhikhtegan newspaper, to 7 years for "propaganda against the regime and conspiracy against security," and Davood Asadi and Saman Safarzaei to 5 years each for "conspiracy against security." Alizadeh Tabatabai had also previously reported that Eisa Saharkhiz, besides charges of "propaganda against the regime," "insulting the leadership," and "conspiracy against national security," has also been accused of "spreading falsehoods" and "insulting the head of the judiciary," which are not under the jurisdiction of the Revolutionary Court, and it has been decided that these two charges will be referred to a general court. The verdict for Eisa Saharkhiz has not yet been announced. It is noteworthy that Davood Asadi is not a journalist and has no history of writing. He is the brother of Hooshang Asadi, an operator of the Rooz Online website and a former political prisoner under the Pahlavi regime and the Islamic Republic, who and his media outlet have been targets of anger from security institutions and hardline conservatives. Mahmoud Asadi, Davood's father, told Farshid Ghazi, a freelance journalist, that Davood was working in the sales department of a private company and was focused on his own life. "My son is neither a journalist nor involved in politics; he was just focused on his work and his family, and I, who am sick." He also stated, "They took him to prison for no reason; I swear by the prophets and saints, my child has done nothing. He didn't even talk to his brother. He himself called and said they took me to prison for no reason. We think they took him because of Hooshang. Hooshang is different from my child. Hooshang is a journalist, but Davood is not. Why have they kept him for no reason? Why have they taken him to prison at all? Because his brother is political? A journalist? What is his sin?" It seems that Davood Asadi has become a hostage due to his brother and is paying for the government's sensitivity towards Rooz Online and his brother's activities. His father has complained that after his son's arrest, there is no one to take care of him or provide his medications. The aforementioned four, along with Eisa Saharkhiz, were arrested on November 2, 2015, by the Intelligence Organization of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and media close to hardliners accused them of playing a role in "Western infiltration." This case was formed with much noise and extensive propaganda from authoritarian figures, but so far the judiciary has not provided evidence corresponding to the charges. Therefore, there is serious suspicion of political motivations behind the actions. Although, according to Alizadeh Tabatabai, the case investigator, "not once in the entire indictment was the term infiltration used," from the very beginning, responsible officials in the judiciary considered the reason for their arrest to be related to "infiltration." For example, Ebrahim Raisi, the then Attorney General of the country, on November 3, 2015, referred to the individuals as "a network of infiltration in the media and social networks" and also as "spy elements and American pen mercenaries." At that time, officials from the moderate government, including Hassan Rouhani and Ali Shamkhani, the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, questioned the validity of these accusations and declared the aim of the mentioned arrests as "political exploitation" or "political settling of scores." After the finalization of the JCPOA, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic and forces aligned with the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist began a new wave of attacks against civil society forces and independent political activists, warning of the "threat of Western infiltration." Similar to previous experiences, forces that lack strong protective coverage and are vulnerable have been targeted to substantiate the leadership's claims regarding the existence of a conspiracy by Western governments, especially the United States, to infiltrate the political system and society. Since there are no confirming signs of such a thing in reality and providing acceptable evidence is not feasible, the old tactic of arresting and placing the accused in harsh conditions has been employed to obtain confessions that fit the desired framework to provide the necessary material for the regime's propaganda, at least within its supportive social base. The goal goes beyond elections, creating fear to justify maintaining a police atmosphere and various restrictions, as well as preventing the realization of Rouhani's government's plans to open up the limited political and social space. In this context, journalists, who are being sacrificed like "the hen of mourning and wedding," have become victims so that the dominance of authoritarian figures over the public sphere is not threatened. The situation of journalists during the eleventh government has not undergone significant transformation. According to Reporters Without Borders, Iran remains one of the largest prisons for journalists in the world and has the highest number of detained journalists in the Middle East after Syria. In this case, the emerging phenomenon of "journalist fabrication" is also observed. What has happened to Davood Asadi reveals a new program in security scenario-making. An individual with no journalistic or media background has been targeted in the guise of a journalist, and the IRGC's intelligence officials have resorted to forgery and false journalist fabrication to prove their unfounded claims. This new method, while revealing their empty hands, indicates an intensification of authoritarian practices and a further deviation from ethical standards for security purposes. It seems that in the final years of the eleventh government's activity, security confrontations with civil society forces and defenders of political and media freedoms will increase. The conservatism and mere verbal opposition of Rouhani and other senior officials of the moderate government do not provide effective deterrence against the attacks of authoritarian figures. Changing the situation of journalists and preventing the victimization of relatives of political and civil opponents and critics requires a change in the balance of power, which in the absence of movement-oriented approaches and renewed activism of the protest movement has no chance of realization. If the current trend continues by political and civil activists and the government, the window of opportunity for improving political and social conditions in the post-JCPOA era will close, and authoritarian figures will manage the conditions in their favor. In fact, the maneuvering on the "infiltration project," independent of the conspiratorial and paranoid views of the power holders, aims to secure the dominant power section from the consequences of the JCPOA in positively changing domestic policy and the cultural arena.