Khamenei in Six Complementary Images

Ali Khamenei has infused his own color and flavor into all the policies and decisions of the regime with his meticulous management. Although he cannot be equated with the Islamic Republic, understanding him is essential to comprehend this system over the past 28 years. Over these three decades, he has shaped the regime to his own image, and one cannot find a point where his interventions and insistence do not leave a mark: from population growth policies to restrictions on publication and dissemination, from limiting foreign language and music education to spreading hatred towards the West, and from military interventions in the region to gender-segregated architecture and urban planning. Understanding Ali Khamenei is significant as it reveals many aspects of the Islamic Republic's governance during his leadership. In this article, I will refer to six characteristics that gradually became prominent features of the Islamic Republic through six narratives quoted from his admirers. Military Character: Ataollah Salehi, commander of the Islamic Republic Army, states: "The first scene I remember of his presence in the army was when he appeared at a military site and faced a group standing at attention. Everyone was waiting to see how he would react, and it was believed that he would likely place his hand on his chest and say 'May God assist you,' as most officials did. However, everyone was astonished to see him raise his uninjured right hand towards his turban and give the command to stand down. This reaction was very strange yet captivating for those present. Although some said the clergy would not react this way, deep down, they wished to see such a response." It is evident that Khamenei has seen himself as a cleric-military figure from the very beginning and has reshaped the political system accordingly. His leadership style resembles that of military leaders more than that of clerics. Security-Centric: Those theorizing Khamenei's interventionist and expansionist behaviors introduce him as the architect of the strategy of mutual threat or threat balance. They consider this threatening perspective in the region to be religious and moral: "As a jurist and cleric, he has a Quranic approach to the issues of war and defense, paying special attention to both material concerns and values and ethics." (Keyhan Barzegar and Masoud Rezaei, Strategic Studies Quarterly, Winter 1395) Khamenei's admirers speak with enthusiasm about the Islamic Republic's interventions in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, introducing him as the architect of the Islamic Republic's threatening and interventionist strategy. From the very beginning, Khamenei prioritized security concerns and exerted maximum effort to securitize all matters, which all authoritarian regimes strive to do. His security-centric approach in domestic politics has led to the formation of a repression machine with tens of thousands of plainclothes forces and tens of thousands of Revolutionary Guards and Basij forces ready for suppression. Obedience: Those close to Khamenei are those who obey him 100%. He lacks the capacity to hear dissenting voices and opinions. This is why even Rafsanjani, if he says, "The world of tomorrow is the world of discourse, not missiles," he is accused of treason: "To say that the future of the world is one of negotiation, not missiles, if said out of ignorance, is ignorance; but if said knowingly, it is treason." (11 Farvardin 1395) Khamenei's close associates have spared little insult towards Rafsanjani. He later retracted his statement under pressure from government officials. Khamenei makes no exceptions in his demand for obedience, especially among high-ranking regime officials. Cultural Engineering: Ali Larijani, in a media interview regarding his time as head of the state radio and television, refers to a confidential letter from Khamenei and states: "I received a confidential letter from the Supreme Leader in his handwriting, the content of which was very interesting to me; considering the trajectory of artistic works in the fields of novels, films, and theater... he raised a discussion that studies should be conducted with a group of experts to produce high-quality works in these areas, and the Islamic Republic should become a style leader in this regard. The fact that the Leader followed cultural and artistic issues with such precision had a strong impact on me, so I must seriously pursue this thought. Parts of this letter are mentioned due to their importance: 'If you have seen the novels and plays of Soviet writers, you know that... they did their best. For example: Mother (novel) and Vasa Zheleznova (play) both by Maxim Gorky, and Quiet Don (novel) by Sholokhov, and The Road from Suffering (novel) by Alexei Tolstoy, and dozens of very good novels and plays like these, which depict both the situation before the revolution and the sacrifices of fighters, leaders, and people in the revolution. The work done in this area from the beginning of the victory until today is slightly more than zero. It is your duty to recognize this great responsibility and seriously and with effort... compensate for it.... Report the start, progress, and quality of the work to me.' These minor interventions that Islamic Republic officials call 'precision in cultural and artistic issues' show how Khamenei intervenes in the minutest cultural and artistic affairs of the country. Jurisprudence-Centric: The deputy for communications in Khamenei's office regarding the reason for Khamenei's reluctance to broadcast his advanced lessons on radio and television says: 'At one time, some Friday prayer leaders and certain clerics insisted that since the lessons of some esteemed religious authorities are broadcast on Radio Maarefat, Khamenei's lessons should also be broadcast. Many insisted on why Khamenei's lessons are not broadcast. I said this is one of those issues that the Leader himself must decide. We cannot. I went to him and presented the matter. The Leader said, 'Are all lessons broadcast?' I replied, 'No, the lessons of such and such clerics are broadcast.' These three people's lessons are broadcast. He said, 'If the radio had the capacity to broadcast all the clerics' lessons, then they should also broadcast ours at the end. If not, it is not an art that because the radio and television are at our disposal, we constantly broadcast our lessons and programs. No, our lessons do not need to be broadcast, and the Leader did not accept this.' Khamenei's cult of personality is no less than that of other dictators of our time, but he surpasses them in totalitarianism. In this regard, he seeks to envelop society with a lifestyle based on jurisprudence from all sides, and it no longer matters if he is the only one in the field doing this. It is enough that others play in his orchestra. He needs soldiers to impose the clerics' lifestyle on all people, and the clerics and authorities are seen in the same light. His other soldiers are the soft war officers to whom he has granted 'fire at will.' The Meaninglessness of Separation of Powers: A member of the budget integration commission states: 'In the last three years, 30% of the fund's resources have decreased... As government officials state, the permission for a 30% reduction in the National Development Fund's share from oil revenues in the current year's budget bill has been obtained from the Supreme Leader... If this permission exists, the fund's share for this year will also be 20%... The government has obtained permission for a 10% annual reduction in the National Development Fund's share over the last three years... Whether the government's permission is verbal or written will make a difference, and of course, representatives have not yet seen the written permission... If the permission is verbal, it is not credible, and the parliament is questioned.' Khamenei intervenes in all branches of power without exception, and the budget is just one of them. When you put these six images together, you can clearly observe features such as 'authoritarianism' and 'totalitarianism' in the regime as a whole. Militarization, security perspective, the meaninglessness of separation of powers, and obedience complete the puzzle of authoritarianism, while cultural engineering and jurisprudence belief represent the aspect of totalitarianism.