Mongolia; The Forgotten Satellite of the Soviet Union

A century ago, on December 5, 1303 according to the Persian calendar (November 26, 1924), Mongolia declared itself a "People's Republic." Despite the fact that the name of its capital, "Ulaanbaatar," meaning "Red Leader," has remained unchanged, the country's past intertwined with the Soviet Union is generally considered a historical and forgotten topic. Jonathan Adelton, the U.S. ambassador to Mongolia from 2009 to 2012, told Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty that Mongolia's close ties with the Soviet Union are often overshadowed by the heavy shadow of "Genghis Khan"; as this former diplomat noted, the whole world knows Mongolia by the name of Genghis Khan, and no one and nothing can replace him in Mongolia's history. According to Mr. Adelton, the remoteness of this country on one hand and the fact that Mongolia never joined the Warsaw Pact on the other hand have led global public opinion to remember it less as one of the "Soviet satellites." A hundred years ago, the sparsely populated lands now known as Mongolia were the site of raids and competition between China and both factions involved in the Russian Civil War. However, legally, the region remained part of China. At that time, political interpretations and rules were so unknown and vague to the predominantly nomadic people of Mongolia that a young local official doused cold water on the heads of Communist Party officials who had declared Mongolia a "People's Republic" by asking a fundamental question: "But what does republic even mean? Surely, no one in the regions and provinces understands it." He asked party representatives to explain the "goal and meaning of the new form of government" to the nomadic villagers of Mongolia. One of the first Kremlin research teams in Mongolia described this claimed region of China to Joseph Stalin as "a buffer area along the southern borders of the Soviet Union" that "could prevent Soviet and Chinese soldiers from facing each other." Mongolia quickly became economically and politically dependent on the Soviet Union and adopted Moscow's extreme policies. One Kremlin envoy told the Mongolian government, "You must promote socialism in the country in a very short time, and in this way, you must apply the experiences of the Soviet Union." In 1930, the government in Ulaanbaatar announced the "seizure of the assets of the feudal and landlord class." While nomadic herders were forced to settle in collective farms and their livestock was confiscated for the benefit of the state, some fled the country, and others took their place. It is estimated that in the early 1930s, about 30,000 people fled Mongolia, and various parts of the country witnessed spontaneous uprisings. One of the slogans of a religiously motivated rebel group was: "We will fight to the death against the sorcerers and demons of this 'People's Government!'" In 1937, Mongolian Defense Minister Glegdorjiin Demid was invited to Moscow but died on the way due to food poisoning. Two years later, the popular Prime Minister Anandyn Amar was arrested and sent to Moscow, where he was eventually executed. These events paved the way for the rise to power of Khorloogiin Choibalsan, Stalin's favorite and trusted figure. During Choibalsan's rule, the horrific methods of Stalinist purges cast a shadow over the corridors of power in Ulaanbaatar. Choibalsan collaborated directly with the Soviet secret police, known as the "NKVD," to identify and execute "unreliable" state officials and later religious leaders. The exact number of victims of the great repression and purges in Mongolia is unclear, but between 1937 and 1939, about 17,000 Buddhist lamas were executed, and more than 700 monasteries were destroyed. A military parade in Ulaanbaatar in 1946. During World War II, Mongolia was a vital resource for the Soviet army, and in 1945, the Soviet Union, as the victor of the war, forced China to abandon its claims on Mongolia. The result of a referendum held on formal independence from China was 100 percent in favor of independence. Stalin personally had a great interest in Mongolia and frequently asked the government of this country to completely eradicate the roots of religion once and for all. He told the Ulaanbaatar government: "You must deal seriously with the lamas. Do not forget that only steadfast and resolute individuals remain in memory." With Stalin's death in 1953, the intensity of repression and executions decreased in Mongolia, as in other areas of Soviet influence, and the Kremlin's ruthless war against religions became a secondary and administrative issue. According to Adelton, during that period, among Mongolia's two powerful neighbors, Moscow was recognized as the less malevolent option. According to the former U.S. ambassador, close ties with the Soviet Union "were indeed significant for Mongolia; both in terms of ensuring its independence and guaranteeing its sovereignty against China." By the late 1980s, the Soviet Union had stationed nearly 50,000 soldiers, 1,800 tanks, and 320 aircraft and helicopters in its bases throughout Mongolia. In the late 1980s, with the rise of democratic movements in Soviet-influenced countries, the people of Mongolia also sought freedom against a government that unexpectedly was lenient. Jambyn Batmonkh, the last communist leader of Mongolia, told some party officials who called for a harsh crackdown on protesters, "There is no need to deploy police and military forces. The protesters are our own children." In March 1990, the Politburo of the Mongolian government was dissolved, and Batmonkh's announcement of his resignation paved the way for free elections. People came to watch the statue of Stalin that had been removed from in front of the National Library of Ulaanbaatar in early 1990. Adelton says that Mongolians who have spoken with him about the period when their country was considered a "satellite of the Soviet Union" have had diverse and differing views. According to the former U.S. ambassador, "While some bitterly recalled the Stalinist purges of the 1930s and the widespread executions of Buddhist clergy, others looked back at the years after World War II with a mix of respect, appreciation, and even nostalgia.