Nuclear Agreement and Cultural Policies of Rouhani's Government

An examination of the cultural decisions and actions of Rouhani's government over the past two years reveals an unspoken relationship between the cultural policies of the government and the conditions surrounding negotiations between Iran and the P5+1 regarding the nuclear program. The two sides reached a temporary agreement at the beginning of Azar 1392 (three months after Rouhani's government took office). This agreement was accompanied by a relative improvement in Iran-US relations and an elevation of open dialogues between officials of the two countries. This agreement was more a result of hope for a political change in Iran, influenced by Rouhani's election in the presidential elections of Khordad 1392, than a product of discussions over the details of Iran's nuclear program and how to lift sanctions. This transformation was aligned with Barack Obama's request for a change in the approach towards Iran, which was reflected in his (then-secret) letters to Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the leader of the Islamic Republic, before the Iranian presidential elections. This period of negotiations was accompanied by a kind of opening or at least an increase in hope for opening (in certain sectors) in the cultural atmosphere. Ali Jannati, the Minister of Culture, proposed lifting pre-publication censorship of books. The Ministry of Culture quickly retreated from this proposal, but the process of issuing book permits accelerated, and the scope of arbitrary censorship was reduced; security oversight over publishers and writers was minimized as much as possible within the governing relations of the Islamic Republic. The Cinema House, which had been closed as a symbol of the struggle between filmmakers and the government during Ahmadinejad's presidency, was reopened, and the lifting of Facebook filtering became a hot topic. Issuing permits for music concerts became easier, and theater performances became more active. During this period, the cultural budget was revised within the framework of the 1393 budget, and despite the government being in a financially unfavorable situation, the budget for sectors like books, press, and cinema increased; more importantly, part of the budgets that had been allocated in the previous government under the guise of cultural budgets to certain groups close to the government, primarily for the publication of books, magazines, and websites with themes favored by Ahmadinejad's government, was removed from the budget lines. However, the impact of this budget reduction on certain circles and changes in the cultural atmosphere led to questions being raised to the Minister of Culture regarding an article published in the banned newspaper Bahar and the claim of granting permission for a female solo singer, resulting in the first yellow card from the parliament to the Minister of Culture on 17 Dey 1392. These protests were later reflected in February in the statements of figures like Mohammad Taqi Misbah Yazdi and in March in Khamenei's remarks as criticism of the cultural conditions of the country. Khamenei's speech at the beginning of 1393 in Mashhad was a detailed statement explaining what was called resistant culture, accompanied by sharp criticism of cultural conditions. After the Supreme Leader's remarks, Mohammad Ali Jafari, the commander of the IRGC, was the first official to criticize the government's disregard for the IRGC's proposed programs to strengthen cultural resistance against the enemy in Farvardin 1393, followed by Hamid Moqaddam, the cultural officer of the IRGC, warning the government about cultural programs. The first conference of the nuclear agreement skeptics was held on 13 Ordibehesht, where a significant portion of the remarks from hardline figures was dedicated to criticizing the government's cultural programs. Thus, the government's cultural programs were exploited as a pretext for pressure from hardliners and some conservative opponents of the nuclear agreement. From this time, although Rouhani and Ali Jannati tried to respond to the criticisms, gradually a kind of adjustment in the implementation of the government's cultural programs began, coinciding with the emergence of impeachment murmurs against the Minister of Culture. The result of this tension can be seen in the cancellation of a series of theater and music programs that were scheduled to take place between Khordad 1393 and Mehr of the same year despite having received performance permits. A letter for the impeachment of the Minister of Culture was drafted in Aban 1393, coinciding with a deadlock in the negotiations taking place in Vienna. This letter was set aside at Rouhani's request. The shelving of the impeachment coincided with the appointment of Hossein Nooshabadi as the spokesperson for the Ministry of Culture, which effectively marked the beginning of a period of retreats by the Ministry of Culture from previously announced cultural programs. In the first press conference, Nooshabadi announced an agreement between the Ministry of Culture and the Cultural Commission of Parliament to cancel the screening of six films. The nuclear negotiations in Vienna reached a deadlock, and their continuation was postponed to Azar and then to Esfand of the same year. Observers' assessments in the following months indicated that Rouhani's government, to avoid creating tensions that might affect the progress of nuclear negotiations, refrained from exacerbating tensions over contentious cultural program issues. A recent example of the government's restraint can be seen in the government's compromise regarding the official intervention of the police and judiciary in the Ministry of Culture's right to grant concert permits and the government's decision to forgo the implementation of a resolution allowing women in stadiums, which occurred just before the start of the recent round of negotiations in Khordad 1394 in Vienna. Thus, almost from the summer of 1393, which is nearly half of the government's lifespan, some of the contentious cultural programs have been suspended. Now, after the negotiations have concluded, the question arises as to how much the new atmosphere can influence the continuation of the government's cultural programs. Just as the deadlock in negotiations made the working environment more difficult for cultural and artistic figures, can the opening in these negotiations lead to a less tense cultural atmosphere? Given the cautious history seen in Rouhani's government, it seems unlikely that any changes in the government's cultural policy will be observed at least until the final approval of the Vienna agreement in Parliament and then the Guardian Council and reaching the implementation stage (which is at least six months away). However, it cannot be overlooked that the psychological defeat of hardliners who opposed the agreement and are major opponents of the government's cultural programs can significantly lead to a less tense cultural atmosphere indirectly. Even if the main figures supporting hardliners try to prevent such a transformation by increasing verbal attacks on the government and its domestic policy. The hope that has arisen among many groups of people, including cultural and artistic figures, may still be distant from tangible changes, but hope in Iran has always been a factor for positive changes. Changes that cultural and artistic figures are more eager for than politicians.