Opponents of Expanding Trade Relations Between Iran and the West

Following the nuclear agreement between Iran and the West, some social groups are expecting an expansion of relations between Iran and Western countries. However, another group is dissatisfied with diplomatic openings and perceives them as a threat to their interests. Some have even resorted to conspiracy theories to uncover the 'hidden goals' of Western delegations. It seems that the arrival of Western merchants and statesmen has disturbed the peace of some, as evidenced by the statements of various officials, including merchants, military personnel, and clerics. For instance, Asadollah Asgaroladi, the head of the Iran-China Chamber of Commerce, who is also an active market and export figure, stated: 'I really don't know what the main goal of these groups is with their visits. 160 people came from Austria, what happened? What did they do? What serious contract did they bring to paper?' He also added: 'These investors do not come to invest in Iran; they come to take our capital.' This official, who is also the head of the Iran-Russia Chamber, criticized the visits of European delegations to Iran, saying: 'The eleventh government started its work wisely, but unfortunately, the measures have not met expectations.' But Asgaroladi is not the only one concerned about the visits of European delegations to Iran. Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force of the IRGC, claimed that the visits of European delegations to Iran are coordinated with the U.S. and aim to create 'polarization within society and raise demands in public opinion.' Ahmad Alamolhoda, the Friday prayer leader of Mashhad, referred to the reopening of the British embassy in Tehran as an 'operational base for the enemy' and said, 'The enemy takes every opportunity to strike at the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and the reopening of the British embassy in Iran is also concerning.' Additionally, Mohammad Hossein Safar Harandi, cultural advisor to the IRGC commander, viewed diplomatic openings towards the West as a method for Western infiltration within Iran, stating, 'The enemy's infiltration into the Islamic community may occur through negotiations and agreements within the country, which will be neutralized by the leadership's measures and the vigilance of the people.' Furthermore, Mohammad Ali Asoudi, advisor to the representative of the Supreme Leader in the IRGC, claimed that 'unfortunately, some inside knowingly or unknowingly claim that U.S. infiltration has economic benefits for Iran.' In this context, Yadollah Javani, advisor to the representative of the Supreme Leader in the IRGC, expressed his concern about the changing political atmosphere in Iran, stating: 'Our nation stands against this devil, and the atmosphere of anti-imperialism in Iran will continue. Those who think the era of 'Death to America' is over are delusional, and the slogan will never be taken from the Iranian people.' Finally, Qassem Ravanbakhsh, a student of Mohammad Taqi Misbah Yazdi, articulated: 'The government has neglected internal issues under the pretext of nuclear negotiations, and a Western-oriented mindset prevails among officials.' Some, like Qadiri Abiyaneh, have published writings on the Fars News Agency website, attempting to uncover the 'hidden goals behind the West's desire for economic relations with Iran,' claiming: 'The West wants to trade with Iran in non-strategic and consumable matters but is unwilling to participate in infrastructure projects. We must be wary of their intentions. We should know that trade with Iran in non-strategic goods complements sanctions and is based on hostility towards the Iranian people.' The same writer continues his piece with this admonition: 'We must be wary of their intentions. We should know that trade with Iran in non-strategic goods complements sanctions and is based on hostility towards the Iranian people.' As can be inferred from the above quotes, a group consisting of merchants, military personnel, and clerics has openly expressed their concerns about the opening of relations with the West. This group is made up of individuals and factions that have often benefited from various advantages arising from a rentier economy and monopolies of power and wealth, especially during the sanctions period. This fact is so evident that Ali Shamkhani, the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, affirmed these statements by saying: 'Economic corruption is the Achilles' heel of problems, and one cannot say 'Death to America' while engaging in rent-seeking; we must have consistency between our words and actions.' It cannot be denied that the first consequence of the activation of international enterprises and increased economic competition domestically is the loss of economic privileges for a group that has previously subsisted on the spoils of government contracts. Moreover, international de-escalation also eliminates the perceived need for arms purchases and large investments. The military can also demand a larger share of the budget and oil revenues in an environment of international tension, and it is under the shadow of a war economy that they become a motor for their mobilization. Merchants who are involved in trade with China and Russia have prepared a stable and unwavering position for themselves in a space devoid of competition with advanced economies. However, the activities of these two groups are not very effective without an ideological justification and religious reasoning. This deficiency is addressed by the clerical team of Misbah Yazdi and his ilk, who provide anti-Western narratives. The dimensions of the anti-Western discourse in Iran form a fluid and mobile collection that changes color according to the audience and conditions, but despite this constant variability, there is a fixed and hidden point within it. The fixed and hidden point of this discourse is the attraction of the masses in the unchallenged field of rhetorical and political discourse. At least three pillars shape the essential characteristics of this discourse: the rentier economy and brokerage, the desire for cultural and lifestyle homogenization, and finally, the authoritarianism of radical clerics. The interconnection and internal entanglement of these three pillars within the framework of Iran's political and economic structure is such that without one another, they lose their relevance. Moreover, the history of global economic developments does not show that a closed economy has achieved development. Although expanding relations between Iran and the West is not a cure-all for Iran's economic problems, it is one of the conditions that can assist government and private sector economic managers in alleviating some economic and managerial constraints such as economic inefficiency and outdated management. Any organization and management grows in a positive and competitive interaction with the international environment, and since Iran's economy has been isolated from the world, increasing management efficiency has practically become difficult. The main goal of the visits of Western delegations to Iran, like any other merchant or investor—including Iranian merchants and investors—is to make a profit. Many of these enterprises and countries have previously cooperated and connected with Iran, so it is not surprising that they are now showing a desire to cooperate with Iran in this manner. Although this position should be evaluated positively, it should also be remembered that alongside every advantage, there are costs, dangers, and risks. It is natural that multinational enterprises want to make the most of the situation that arises after the lifting of sanctions and gain the greatest benefits for themselves. However, this does not mean that they will easily and unconditionally cooperate with Iran and submit to any conditions. It is the Iranian side's skill to define a win-win situation by employing optimal management and utilizing competition among Western parties and to cooperate with Western companies and governments within that framework; otherwise, they will ultimately be the losers.