Points Regarding Turki Al-Faisal's Call for the Overthrow of the Islamic Republic

In the latest unprecedented tension between Tehran and Riyadh, Prince Turki Al-Faisal stated that he seeks the overthrow of the Islamic Republic. He made these remarks as a special guest at a gathering of the "National Council of Resistance" in Paris. Al-Faisal's statements are particularly significant for several reasons: First, although he is not currently an official in the Saudi government, he is one of its most influential figures capable of impacting decision-making in Saudi governance. His background includes serving as the head of Saudi intelligence and as Saudi ambassador to Washington. His presence at the Iranian opposition event was deliberate. Second, this is the first official appearance of a senior Saudi royal among the Iranian opposition. Even if he had only made a physical appearance, the mere presence of a Saudi figure at an Iranian opposition event signaled a rapprochement, let alone his explicit call for the overthrow of the Islamic Republic. Third, Turki Al-Faisal is aware of Tehran's sensitivity regarding Massoud and Maryam Rajavi. Nevertheless, in his speech, he openly praised the roles of Massoud and Maryam Rajavi, going so far as to equate their efforts to overthrow the Islamic Republic with the epic tales of the Shahnameh, which will remain in the hearts of the people. He stated: "Mrs. Rajavi, your struggles and those of your late husband Massoud Rajavi to free your people from the cancer of Khomeini will become a legend like the Shahnameh." Fourth, Al-Faisal's praise for Massoud and Maryam Rajavi comes at a time when they lead the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization, which previously advocated armed struggle to overthrow the Islamic Republic and even established the "Liberation Army" with the financial support of Saddam Hussein, participating alongside the Iraqi army in the war against Iran. Although this organization later distanced itself from armed struggle, it remains the most organized opposition group, often accused by the Islamic Republic of potentially returning to armed tactics. Fifth, despite numerous tensions in Tehran-Riyadh relations, it had never been seen or heard that any Saudi officials openly expressed their support for social uprisings and protests. He referred to the protests occurring in Iran as "intifadas," likening them to the Palestinian intifada against Israel. He said: "Intifadas have escalated in Iran, and we in the Islamic world wholeheartedly support you." The expulsion of the Islamic Republic from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation is another significant point in Turki Al-Faisal's sharp remarks, as he indicated not only support from the Saudi government but also from the "Islamic world" for social protests within Iran. His words imply to the audience (not just those present at the gathering) that the Islamic Republic is "alone" and lacks support in the Islamic world. In fact, his reference points to a significant diplomatic success his country achieved at the last summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, where they managed to isolate the Islamic Republic and pass a resolution that saw Hassan Rouhani and Mohammad Javad Zarif leave the summit on the day it was approved. In the final statement of the summit, which received no objections from any Muslim countries, Hezbollah was labeled a terrorist organization, and the Islamic Republic was identified as a state supporting terrorism. The importance of Turki Al-Faisal's reference to the isolation of the Islamic Republic is underscored by Maryam Rajavi's call during the same gathering for the "expulsion" of the Islamic Republic from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. It should not be forgotten that previously, at the initiative of Saudi Arabia and the consensus of all Islamic countries (except Iran), Syria's membership in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation was suspended. At that summit, Ahmadinejad, the president of the Islamic Republic, was present. Imagine that with the influence Saudi Arabia has gained in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the current closeness between Riyadh and the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization, Maryam Rajavi's proposal for the expulsion of the Islamic Republic from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation could be implemented. It is clear what a significant reputational blow such a diplomatic maneuver would be for the Islamic Republic. Given the aforementioned points, the presence of a member of the Saudi royal family at an opposition event that previously advocated armed struggle and his expressed desire for the overthrow of the Islamic Republic with support for internal protests certainly indicates a "new phase" of openly investing in the Iranian opposition by Saudi Arabia, which has not been seen before. Although the last time relations were severed in 1986 during the bloody Hajj, we never witnessed such statements from any Saudi officials calling for the overthrow of the Islamic Republic. However, what accounts for Turki Al-Faisal's clarity in his remarks? In January 2016, a severe storm swept through Tehran-Riyadh relations, leading to the severance of diplomatic ties. Tehran condemned the execution of Sheikh Nimr, a prominent Shia cleric in Saudi Arabia, after which the Saudi embassy in Tehran and its consulate in Mashhad were attacked and set on fire. Riyadh severed its diplomatic relations with Tehran, which subsequently condemned Tehran in the Cooperation Council, the Arab League, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. Sheikh Nimr was someone who boldly called for the overthrow of the Al Saud in Saudi Arabia. As a Shia cleric educated in Iran and connected with senior officials of the Islamic Republic, he was considered an opposition figure in Saudi Arabia capable of mobilizing the Shia population. On the other hand, prior to Nimr's execution, Tehran-Riyadh relations were increasingly strained. Tehran was a strong supporter of the opposition in Bahrain and condemned Saudi intervention to suppress Shia in Bahrain. Conversely, Saudi Arabia insisted on the removal of Bashar al-Assad in Syria. The two countries also have serious disagreements in Yemen, Iraq, and Lebanon, to the extent that observers consider the Middle East a battleground for Shia-Sunni conflict and a proxy war between Tehran and Riyadh. These disagreements between Tehran and Riyadh occur while it should not be forgotten that Hassan Nasrallah stated, "Saudi Arabia is an obstacle to the freedom of Al-Quds," and Mohsen Rezai, a senior commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, went so far as to threaten Saudi Arabia by saying, "If they want to disrupt our security, we will return them to the pre-industrial era." Thus, Riyadh has found sufficient evidence in its assessment to set aside its conservative behavior towards Tehran and, by taking the initiative to sever diplomatic relations, now seeks to support the Iranian opposition and go so far as to call for the overthrow of the Islamic Republic. What is important is that the two countries are moving in a direction that seems to target not each other's interests but rather each other's "political existence" in a new phase of rhetoric against each other, similar to what was previously observed in the relations between Iran and Iraq (Saddam). Such rhetoric against the existence of the other party has been unprecedented in Tehran-Riyadh relations. The important question is whether these rhetorical statements will materialize.