Secular Republicanism During the Era of Reza Shah

Reza Khan, the Commander-in-Chief, after announcing his withdrawal from establishing a republic, with the support of some of the religious authorities of the time and political elites, moved towards establishing a new monarchy after the fall of the Qajar dynasty. In this context, the prominent clerics of that era, including Ayatollah Seyyed Abolhassan Isfahani, Mirza Hossein Na'ini, and Ayatollah Sheikh Abdul Karim Haeri Yazdi, played a significant role in closing the republican chapter and facilitating Reza Shah's monarchy. The symbolic act of placing the royal crown on Reza Shah's head by Mirza Mohammad, the son of Akhund Khorasani, known as 'Aghazadeh,' illustrates this influence. The three clerics issued a telegram after meeting with Reza Khan on April 1, 1924, announcing the abolition of the republic as follows: 'In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful, esteemed gentlemen, the Islamic authorities and the classes of dignitaries, merchants, and the general populace of Iran, may God bless you. Since the formation of the republic was not agreeable to the general public and was not suitable for the conditions of this country, we requested the esteemed Prime Minister to announce the annulment of the republic and the mentioned statements to all cities, and he agreed. May God Almighty help everyone to appreciate this blessing and express their gratitude for this favor.' Thus, the fervent efforts of republican advocates were dampened, as on one side, discussions and theories were being developed in publications like Habl al-Matin, while on the other side, political parties such as the Socialist Party were creating social backing through rallies, and artists and poets like Aref were generating excitement and enthusiasm for it through concerts and performances. It is worth mentioning that the speeches of Abdollah Mostofi and Mahmoud Mahmoud at the Socialist Club in Esfand 1924 were significant events where they explained the 'government of the republic from a scientific and historical perspective and discussed its merits and flaws' to an audience of 1,500. They had hoped for the establishment of a republic in which defenders of 'pious people would emerge.' The newspaper Habl al-Matin published statements from 'one of the leaders of the freedom-seekers of Portugal,' promoting the idea that only a republic could save Iran and 'could rescue the ship of freedom from the midst of a severe storm.' Republican activities outside Iran were also widespread among Iranians. For example, there are reports from French sources indicating that in 1918, revolutionary associations were formed in the cities of Bern, Lausanne, and Geneva, seeking to establish a republic in Iran. They were in contact with individuals from the Democratic Party (Socialists - Generalists) during the Constitutional Revolution, such as Hossein Novab (the then Iranian ambassador in Berlin), as well as Mohammad Amin Rasulzadeh, one of the founders of the Equality Party in Baku and editor of the magazine Iran Now, Seyyed Hassan Taghizadeh, Suleiman Mirza, one of the founders of the Socialist Party, and Haydar Khan Amu Oghli, one of the founders of the Communist Party, and early members of the Democratic Party during the Constitutional Revolution. However, Reza Khan, the Commander-in-Chief, chose a different path and after ascending the throne, sidelined his former republican allies and made his agreement with the clergy regarding the 'suspension' of the republic one of the main pillars of governance in the newly established absolute monarchy of the Pahlavi dynasty. The republic became a taboo and a crime, and proposing it carried heavy penalties and punishments. There are differing views on the reasons behind Reza Shah's failed republicanism. Some, like Yahya Dowlatabadi, Malek al-Shu'ara Bahar, Mirzadeh Eshghi, and Abdollah Mostofi, considered his move to be fake, artificial, and, as contemporary prominent writer Mohammad Ali Sepanlou put it, a 'political trick' intended to initially spark discussions about the republic, deal a final blow to the weakened and decayed Qajar monarchy, and then establish a new monarchy and attain the crown and throne. Although there are some truths in this assessment, and Reza Khan, the Commander-in-Chief, could not elevate himself to the level of Reza Shah without republicanism, which helped obscure his low lineage, the analysis of sources, documents, and signs supports the hypothesis that he initially aimed to become Iran's first president with the backing of republican supporters and political-social currents, but when he faced obstacles, and seeing the path to monarchy as prepared, he chose kingship. In other words, the acquisition of the highest level of authority and unrestricted decision-making power to implement programs was Reza Khan's main goal and motivation, and republicanism was not a principle for him. Such a perspective also existed among some republican supporters and advocates of authoritarian development in the form of the 'enlightened despotism' scheme, which is well formulated in the concluding section of Kazemzadeh's lengthy article in the magazine Iranshahr titled 'Republic and Social Revolution,' where he likens the Iranian nation to 'a small child whose mental faculties have not yet developed,' stating: 'The Iranian nation is thirsty for justice, comfort, and prosperity, and it will consider any hand that provides this blessing sacred and worthy of worship, whether it be that of an absolute tyrant king or that of a constitutional government or a republic.' Before discussing the state of republican movements during Reza Shah's reign, it is worth briefly mentioning the Republic of Khorasan. Although its proponent, Colonel Mohammad Taqi Khan Pessian, had separatist ideas, due to his previous patriotic background and the incorrect treatments he faced in the past, as well as his mistake of limiting his freedom-seeking activities to the old province of Khorasan, he can be included in the republican efforts at the end of the Qajar reign. Colonel Mohammad Taqi Khan Pessian was born in Tabriz and, following family tradition, pursued military education and joined the gendarmerie. During World War I, he demonstrated bravery and capability against the invasion of the Tsarist army in Iran and managed to drive them out of Hamadan, but later had to flee to Ottoman territory and then went to Germany, where he received military training and is said to be the first Iranian pilot. Besides his high military skills, he was a healthy and patriotic officer with literary talent and artistic inclination. After World War I, he returned to Iran and was promoted to Colonel, becoming the head of the gendarmerie unit in Khorasan. He became problematic from there, as he expected to hold a responsibility in military or police affairs in the capital due to his competencies. After the coup of 1920 and the formation of Seyyed Zia'eddin Tabatabai's government, the Colonel was responsible for the arrest of Ahmad Qavam al-Saltaneh, the then governor of Khorasan, and was entrusted with the administration of the province. The end of Seyyed Zia's government and Qavam's premiership caused panic for the Colonel, and the Shah's order, which sought his return to the head of military forces in Khorasan and prohibited his involvement in politics, displeased him. From this point, he moved towards disobedience, and events led to his confrontation with the central government, eventually prompting Pessian to think about the independence of Khorasan and the establishment of a secular republican system there. One of his early communications during the rebellion to his accompanying forces clearly indicates a separatist destination: 'I have reviewed the telegram report number .... from Major Mahmoud Khan. As I have previously instructed, place a post on the way to Shirvan and thoroughly investigate the actions and operations of Sardar Bajnourdi through special messengers, so far everything has been in accordance with past principles, I hope to carry the flag of the Republic of Khorasan on my shoulders, while Mahmoud and Ismail protect its flanks, I am waiting for your actions daily.' Of course, if a competent and healthy government had been established in Tehran at that time, Colonel Mohammad Taqi Khan Pessian might not have reached this point and could have been a valuable asset for the country. Ultimately, based on the orders of Qavam al-Saltaneh's government and Ahmad Shah Qajar, a coalition consisting of the forces of Shokat al-Molk Alam, Shoja al-Molk Mohammad Reza Khan, the head of the Hazara tribe, Salar Khan Baluch, Shokat al-Saltaneh Timuri, and Seyyed Haidar engaged him in battle. With the help of a 6,000-strong gendarmerie unit from Khorasan, he managed to push them back, but in a clash with the Quchan Kurds' uprising, he got trapped and was ultimately killed. Thus, the republican movement in Khorasan was concluded unsuccessfully. For only a few months, Colonel Pessian managed the affairs of that province. It is impossible to make a clear judgment about whether the Republic of Khorasan would have been democratic or authoritarian based on the existing documents. The Revolutionary Republic of Iran was established in 1925 by a group of Iranian students studying in Germany. Taghi Arani, Morteza Alavi, and Ahmad Asadi were its prominent figures. This group declared the defense of the freedom-seeking ideals of the Constitutional Revolution and the establishment of a national republic as its main goals. The formation of this association coincided with the extinction of the Qajar monarchy and the establishment of the Pahlavi monarchy. To understand the reasons behind the formation of such a group, it is necessary to briefly review the situation and conditions of Iranian students in European universities in the first decade of the 1300s in the Iranian calendar. After World War I, a number of Iranians, mostly from aristocratic families or political figures in Iran, studied in Europe at their own expense. According to Reza Arasteh's research, the number of Iranian students in Europe in 1918 included 200 in France, 34 in England, and 9 in Germany. The Weimar Republic's inclination to increase Iranian students led to a sixfold increase in the number of Iranian students within two years. The Iranian government, at the end of Ahmad Shah Qajar's reign, sent 60 students to Europe in the academic year 1922-1923 after the annexation of the Cossack and Gendarmerie forces. This accumulated potential led to the flourishing of political and cultural activities among students, especially with the presence of publications like Kaveh and Iranshahr. The formation of the student organization 'Hope of Iran' in Berlin was a result of the quantitative growth of students in Germany. This organization had an inclination towards Western civilization and praised pre-Islamic Iranian history, emphasizing the necessity of complete adherence of Iran to Western civilization. In such an environment, the Revolutionary Republic of Iran was established among Iranian students, leaning towards social democracy while also strongly embodying nationalism, but distancing itself from the extreme nationalism prevalent among the student body and media space among Iranians residing in Germany at that time, and also recommending a selective approach to Western civilization while preserving positive Iranian traditions. The presence of Taghi Arani, who gathered the so-called '53 prisoners' around his scientific and research circle, and the propaganda of the Tudeh Party have created the perception that this faction was a communist movement in collaboration with the Comintern. Dr. Hamid Ahmadi has documented the inaccuracy of this claim in his book 'History of the Revolutionary Republic of Iran.' It is noteworthy that Arani, who initially began his studies with traditional theological education in the seminary, was among the 60 students sent by the government to study. Upon his arrival in Europe, he had an inclination towards extreme nationalism and ideological antiquarianism, publishing articles in the journals 'Iranshahr' and 'Letter from Farangistan' praising the Aryan race, the monarchy, and the greatness of ancient Iran. He later considered this period as a time of youthful folly and limited knowledge. Morteza Alavi, the elder brother of the famous Iranian writer Bozorg Alavi, whose father Seyyed Abolhassan Alavi was a constitutionalist forced into exile and died in Germany, studied at his own expense. The Revolutionary Republic, in its founding statement, emphasized support for freedom-seeking and the necessity of paying the price, launching sharp criticisms against the existing situation. The text of the statement had a socialist tone and praised figures like Malek al-Tokhmin, Mirza Jahangir Khan Surasrafil, Mirza Kuchak Khan, Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani, and Colonel Mohammad Taqi Khan Pessian. From this point, the Berlin police monitored the activities of this group and reported them to the German Interior Ministry as actions of the opposition in Iran. Simultaneously with Reza Shah's coronation, the faction organized a meeting against this pivotal political event in Berlin, where Asadi delivered a speech. Asadi and Alavi, as representatives of the faction, along with Suleiman Mirza Eskandari, the representative of the Socialist Party at the Brussels Congress in 1926, participated in the congress organized by the left wing of the European Social Democrats. The outcome of this collaboration, in addition to presenting a joint resolution by the Iranian delegation to the congress, was the joining of Iraj Eskandari, Suleiman Mirza's nephew, to the Revolutionary Republic. In 1927, the faction issued a statement during Timur Tash's presence in Berlin protesting against the oppressive and dark conditions in Iran, which the German government assessed as having adverse effects on relations with Iran. The Iranian government also became sensitive to this group after this statement. However, the main work of the Revolutionary Republic, which somewhat led to its demise, was the issuance of a detailed analytical statement of 40 pages titled 'Statement of Right,' which was relatively widely distributed within Iran. This pamphlet, which described the existing problems and the destructive role of British colonialism in Iran and referred to Reza Shah's dependency on the British government, called on the people to revolt and establish a republican system. Timur Tash, the court minister, summoned the then German ambassador and strongly expressed his concerns about the activities of the Revolutionary Republic. From this point onward, the German government increased its control and oversight over the faction. Several figures from the era of Reza Shah, including Timur Tash (center). The sensitivity and concern of Reza Shah's government led to the allocation of the least quota to Germany in the first student dispatch to Europe during Reza Shah's time.