Student Day and the Further Decline of Rouhani in Society

This year, December 7th was overshadowed by social group protests and the worsening economic situation. Although the student movement has not yet emerged from stagnation, given the heavy security atmosphere and severe security and judicial confrontations, the overall programs held, especially their activist aspect and solidarity declarations with the demands of teachers and workers, were acceptable. The activities held in commemoration of December 7th this year serve as a suitable criterion for assessing Hassan Rouhani's social standing. The student movement has had varying interactions during Rouhani's presidency. At the beginning of his presidency, due to the difficult conditions during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency and the unified rule of conservatives, and the promises made by Rouhani, reformist tendencies and hope for reform from above gained a dominant position in the student movement for almost two years. However, after the impeachment of Reza Faraji Dana and the appointment of Mohammad Farhadi as Minister of Science, a reversal began, and the management atmosphere of universities regressed to the era of the ninth and tenth governments. From this point onward, the student movement gradually shifted towards a more activist approach. Between 2015 and 2017, student activists shifted from supportive to critical support of the government. The weak performance of the Ministry of Science and its submission to the Ministry of Intelligence, along with retreats such as ignoring illegal scholarships and failing to meet students' expectations for ending the police atmosphere in universities, gradually led to an expansion of protests against Rouhani and government-centric reformism. However, student frustration led to a decrease in political tendencies, which, alongside the depoliticization sought by the Guardian Council, continued the stagnation in universities. In these years, the student movement did not emerge from the weak critical actions of the years 2011 to 2013, which were, of course, related to the political stagnation. However, it should be credited to the student movement that in the 2017 elections, they did not fall under the influence of promises and the radical approach of Rouhani in electoral activities and cautiously refrained from actively supporting him, while also correctly avoiding moving towards boycotts and delegitimization. This intelligence became evident in Rouhani's rapid retreat after the elections, where students, contrary to other civil society forces and political elites, did not expend their social capital on moderates, even tactically. They preemptively distanced themselves from him before the wave of regret over voting for Rouhani emerged. In the nationwide protests of January, students were the only group among civil society forces and political activists inside the country that actively supported the protests and paid a heavy price. Although the scope of student support was not widespread, it was enough to raise concerns within the security apparatus of the regime, which resorted to widespread arrests of student activists under the guise of preventive action to prevent the expansion and persistence of protests. The main point of confrontation between the student movement and Rouhani was the performance of the Ministry of Intelligence, which had become the frontline of security and harassment actions against critical students. In fact, Rouhani's contradictory performance, which promised a secure university instead of a security-oriented one, formed the focal point of the rift between the university and Rouhani's government. Therefore, December 7, 2017, marked a turning point in the separation that brought his therapeutic rhetoric and slogan-driven actions during his presence at the university to a deadlock, and he himself, aware of the situation, denounced the student movement, borrowing from Khamenei's discourse, warning students that universities are not places for party activities, and under this pretext, he attempted to attribute students' criticisms to inspiration from reformist groups and other political currents. Given this background, it was predictable that December 7, 2018, especially after heavy prison sentences were issued for active student activists in the January protests, would lead to a serious confrontation between the student movement and the moderate government. Rouhani's visit to Semnan University and the engineering of the President's speech program to commemorate Student Day aimed to reduce the dimensions of criticism. However, this tactic did not work. Some regional student organizations, such as the Islamic Association of Shahrood Industrial University and the Islamic Association of Damghan University, boycotted the program. However, other organizations and students who managed to attend the hall expressed their protests in the presence of the President, warning Rouhani about the continuation of a neutral approach, submission to authoritarianism, and confusion in managing the executive branch. They chanted, "Inflation, high prices, answer us Rouhani," demanding accountability from him regarding the dire economic situation. The calmest criticisms were reminders to him that interaction with conservatives and defenders of the university who submit to and obey authoritarian power, under the pretext of neutralizing their sabotage, has had the opposite effect. Most active student movements have also moved towards field programs, emphasizing community-oriented approaches to support the strikes and protests of workers and teachers. Singing the song "The Red Flower of the Sun has returned and the night has fled" at the Student Day ceremony at Nourshiri University in Babol symbolically showcased the avant-garde atmosphere of the student movement. An open letter from five hundred student publication activists, following the statements of student guild councils across the country, was a clear warning to Rouhani that the patience of students and all civil forces has run out due to the intensification of repression and the collusion of the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Intelligence of the moderate government with parallel institutions to silence voices and breaths. They stated in a part of the statement that "this letter is the voice of warning from the last generation of students who trusted you." Since the likelihood of a change in the moderate government's approach seems weak, it can be predicted that the critical confrontation of the student movement with Hassan Rouhani will tilt towards confrontation. Today, the student movement, with all its internal and external challenges, is at the forefront of society's reckoning with the power bloc, especially Hassan Rouhani. The students' efforts to create social power strengthen the space for fundamental and widespread changes in the power structure. On the other hand, the conflict between the elements of the Guardian Council in universities, which are the leadership representative offices and student Basij forces, will increase with the student movement, and similar to the attack on the peaceful gathering of Polytechnic students, they will try to neutralize the critical activities of students through physical violence and case-making, exploiting Mr. Khamenei's "fire at will" command. The views expressed in this note do not necessarily reflect Radio Farda's perspective. Ali Afshari is a political analyst and human rights activist residing in the United States.