The Death of Hassan Nasrallah and New Political Disputes Among Political Factions in Iran

The news of Hassan Nasrallah's death, the Secretary-General of Hezbollah Lebanon, during an Israeli attack on the group's headquarters in the southern suburbs of Beirut, has fueled internal political controversies in Iran. Hezbollah Lebanon is a paramilitary group and a political party that controls a large part of southern Lebanon. Although Nasrallah's death has faced a wave of condemnations from various figures within the Iranian government factions, many close to the Supreme Leader and some institutions under his supervision, as well as hardline groups, have called for revenge. Opponents of Masoud Pezeshkian and his government blame the President for the continuation of Israeli operations against Hezbollah forces, attributing it to the failure to avenge Ismail Haniyeh, the former head of the political bureau of the extremist group Hamas, who was killed in an attack attributed to Israel in Tehran; a group that the U.S. and the United States have labeled a terrorist organization. On the other hand, some government supporters and figures close to reformists have stated that the responsibility for decisions to act against Israel lies with the Supreme Leader, not the President, praising Iran's restraint from entering the war. The United States considers Hezbollah a terrorist organization, while the European Union has blacklisted its military wing but does not classify its political wing as terrorist. Hezbollah's political party also has representatives in the Lebanese parliament. Opposition against Pezeshkian has intensified, with Abolfazl Zohrevand, a member of the National Security Commission of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, explicitly criticizing him in an interview with Islamic Republic TV, claiming that if Saeed Jalili had become President of Iran, perhaps Israel would not have dared to take such actions so easily. Amir Hossein Sabati, a parliament representative who worked in Jalili's presidential campaign, has also accused Pezeshkian of being 'deceived' by the U.S. and 'disobeying' the 'order' of Ali Khamenei to take revenge on Ismail Haniyeh. Pezeshkian's approach before and after winning the presidential election, based on 'engagement with the world,' has become a tool for his opponents, especially on social media, to blame the President and his associates for the Islamic Republic's failure to respond directly to the killings of Haniyeh, Hezbollah commanders, and most importantly, Hassan Nasrallah. Criticism has increased because the Iranian President, in a cabinet meeting held two days after Nasrallah's death, stated that 'American and European leaders had promised Iran that if it did not respond to the assassination of Haniyeh in Tehran, a ceasefire would be established in the Gaza war,' while a picture of the former Hezbollah Secretary-General was seen next to his. Pezeshkian said, 'The claims of American and European leaders that they promised a ceasefire in exchange for Iran's non-response to the assassination of martyr Haniyeh were all lies, and giving such criminals a chance will only embolden them to commit more crimes.' The killing of Abbas Nilforushan, the deputy operations commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, in the Israeli attack on Hezbollah's headquarters in the Dahieh area, southern Beirut, has increased calls for action from the Iranian government supporters in response to these events. Ali Motahari, a former parliament representative who, despite his ideological affiliation with the principlist faction, is politically close to reformists, tweeted that 'Iran's delay in responding to the assassination of martyr Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran while the world was waiting for Iran's response' allowed Israel to 'dare' to eliminate Nasrallah. Several parliament representatives, including Jabbar Kuchakinezhad, have stated that 'according to the constitution, whenever the material and spiritual interests of the country are in danger, the system is obliged to take punitive actions using armed forces, therefore we must take severe revenge against these actions so that this regime does not dare to repeat these crimes.' However, none of the principlists or their affiliated media mention that Ali Khamenei is the main decision-maker for a potential declaration of war against Israel, and even the decisions of the Supreme National Security Council, which is chaired by the President, must be approved by the Supreme Leader. Aside from the declaration of five days of public mourning in Iran, the warnings from several senior military commanders of Iran to Israel, including Amir Mousavi, the army commander who said, 'Wait and see,' and the statements and declarations of political figures praising Nasrallah and the continued 'life' of the group under his command in Lebanon, the only practical action that has emerged in Iran and reached the media is the approval of a plan to name a street after him and Abbas Nilforushan in Tehran's city council. As calls from hardline groups for a direct response to Israel increase, Yadollah Javani, the political deputy of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and Rasoul Sanaei Rad, the political deputy of Ali Khamenei's ideological-political office, emphasized the necessity of having 'insight,' 'patience,' and 'rationality, wisdom, and consideration of all aspects' in Iran's reactive actions. The newspaper 'Farhikhtegan' also criticized that 'some figures who seem to be trying to use the martyrdom of Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah to pressure their political rivals while the elections are not yet over.' This newspaper identified the main demand of these individuals as 'Iran's military intervention in the scene and targeting Israel' and called for a 'more rational perspective' on the issue of Nasrallah's killing and 'comprehensive analysis.' Farhikhtegan warned that 'military and strategic decisions in sensitive regional issues should not be made solely based on emotions or political pressures. Especially in the current situation where any hasty action could complicate matters further, Iran needs a precise and strategic analysis of the situation.' Despite warnings on Islamic Republic TV, where government-affiliated forces and propaganda have a stronger presence, calls for a direct reaction to Israel are being made in various ways. In the early days following the news of Nasrallah's death, Hadi Masoumi Zareh, an Iranian television figure, accused the Islamic Republic officials of making mistakes that led to the 'head of resistance' being struck down and shouted, 'Mr. Islamic Republic, wake up.' On the other hand, some reformist figures, including Mohammad Ali Abtahi, the former head of office for Mohammad Khatami, the former President of Iran, have urged those they call 'revolutionary extremists' to remain committed to Ali Khamenei's views instead of 'warmongering.' He claimed that the Supreme Leader, 'in the height of wisdom, is mindful of the interests of the Iranian people.' Hassan Khomeini, the grandson of the founder of the Islamic Republic, also stated at the Hezbollah office in Tehran that there should be no 'doubt' that Israel 'will receive a response, but the entire revolutionary current has a leadership that makes decisions, and whatever decision they make, we must all follow and should follow.' Masoud Pezeshkian is mentioned as a President who has faced significant crises since taking office, with the Islamic Republic facing unprecedented difficulties in deciding how to react to them. He faced the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Iran just hours after his inauguration and the killing of Hassan Nasrallah on his birthday.