The Leader of the System and Two Protest Candidates of 88

Nine years have passed since the controversial and ambiguous presidential election on June 22, 2009. This election not only determined its outcome but also revealed how the core of power faced the civil protests of millions of questioning and dissenting citizens, marking a new trend in Iran's political sphere. Mir-Hossein Mousavi, in a significant assessment of the aforementioned election, stated that "the authoritarian forces sought to eliminate all national space from critics and protesters; a space similar to North Korea with a bit of cosmetic democracy." The continuation and dimensions of the born protest movement (Green Movement) created an unprecedented situation in the Islamic Republic. In this context, the refusal of Mousavi and Karroubi to comply with the Supreme Leader was an unprecedented event. The two—along with Rahnavard—did not accept the official election results and stood alongside millions of protesting citizens who felt "betrayed" in their electoral participation. Now, not only has nine years passed since that election, but the illegal and trial-free house arrest of the Green Movement leaders has also reached 2667 days, entering its ninetieth month. This detention, based on the statements of some senior regime officials, has occurred with the direct opinion of the Supreme Leader and continues to this day. In such a situation, Ayatollah Khamenei, in his speech commemorating the anniversary of Ayatollah Khomeini's death, once again indirectly revealed his anger and hatred towards the imprisoned leaders of the Green Movement. He justified the house arrest of Mousavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard by referring to his evaluation of the life of Imam Ali and the founder of the Islamic Republic. For example, the Supreme Leader spoke of some characteristics of Ayatollah Khomeini, mentioning his "firmness" and added: "The late Imam stood against internal seditions, even against his old student and companion, because he observed his behavior contrary to the truth, without any consideration." This is a significant reference to the first leader of the Islamic Republic's treatment of his deputy (Ayatollah Montazeri); a point that from Ayatollah Khamenei's perspective justifies his treatment of yesterday's companions (Mousavi and Karroubi). In this speech, he also spoke of the "victimhood" of Ayatollah Khomeini and the "widespread propaganda of enemies against him"; "behaviors from those whose behaviors were not expected towards the great Imam were carried out." Another noteworthy reference that shows the Supreme Leader considers himself "victimized" regarding the events following the 2009 election. This also includes his complaints about the non-cooperation—or as he puts it, the "lack of insight"—of some of the regime's companions. The Supreme Leader also discussed the "semiotics of the enemies of Amir al-Mu'minin," mentioning "the likes of Talha and Zubair" (figures from early Islam and companions of the Prophet who later opposed the first Shia Imam). This reference and criticism have been directed at Mousavi and Karroubi by the regime's propaganda arms in recent years. For instance, Ahmadinejad, the former commander of the police force and one of the military officials effective in the bloody suppression of the Green Movement, had said a few years ago, referring to "Talha and Zubair": "Today's examples of these covenant-breakers are Mousavi, Karroubi, and several others. We were supposed to really deal seriously with them, but the Leader [Ayatollah Khamenei] did not allow it." In his recent speech, the Supreme Leader criticized the "weak-belted companions" who "could not resist worldly demands; they turned the field of competing for good deeds into a battlefield for power." In his view, "the same was the case during Imam [Ayatollah Khomeini]'s time." Another jab and hint at the leaders of the Green Movement and individuals like Khatami and even Hashemi Rafsanjani, whom Ayatollah Khamenei is dissatisfied with their political behavior after the 2009 election. He also defends his political approach and method of suppressing critics and opponents, especially regarding the house arrest of the Green Movement leaders and even the limitation of Khatami—indirectly. The Supreme Leader's speech at the commemoration of the Islamic Revolution leader's death repeats his views from the beginning of the year or in meetings with the heads of the three branches of the Islamic Republic. Ayatollah Khamenei sees not only a crisis or acute problem in the country but also continues to emphasize the role of foreign and alien factors (the enemy; his preferred keyword) and insists on political repression and blockage while avoiding political openness. His repeated references to the protests following the 2009 election coup, as well as his continuous mentions of the Green Movement and its imprisoned leaders, show how aware the system's leadership is of its lack of democratic authority and its concern over the emergence of the "Green" protest movement. This is independent of his anger and agitation over the steadfastness of Mousavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard in house arrest; as well as the fact that one cannot overlook Ayatollah Khamenei's animosity towards the imprisoned who have not asked him for "pardon." Despite the insistence of civil activists concerned about democratization and national interests, and their emphasis on the importance of lifting the house arrest and increasing political participation of social layers and opening up the political space, the Supreme Leader continues on his path; an approach intertwined with weapons, censorship, and repression.