The Massacre of 67, Montazeri's Voice, and the Reaction of Reformists

The audio file of the historic meeting of Ayatollah Montazeri with the death committee responsible for the 1988 executions, which was released, is not only an important and rare document in the history of the Islamic Republic but also prompted clarification of the positions of political actors. The stance and reaction of those political actors belonging to the conservative camp (including both conservatives and authoritarian figures) were already clear. The release of the historical audio file caused such turmoil among this group that it even compelled the head of the judiciary to make a clear statement. However, reactions within the reformist camp were not uniform, as expected; the diversity and differences in responses to the historical audio file not only indicate the variety of views within the self-proclaimed reformist spectrum but also reflect the complexities of democratic transition in Iran. This situation reveals the status of the concepts of 'human rights' and 'democracy' in the perspectives of various layers of reformism. Denialists; Hassan Khomeini and Associates A notable group of close associates and affiliates of the reformist camp denied the claims made by Ayatollah Montazeri. Mohammad Mousavi Bejnordi, a member of the Combatant Clergy Association and a member of the Supreme Judicial Council in the 1980s, and Hassan Khomeini, the grandson of the Islamic Revolution leader, are two prominent figures of this group. This faction not only described the release of the audio file as maliciously timed with the proximity of the Mojahedin Organization to Saudi Arabia but also denied the data provided by Ayatollah Montazeri regarding the massacre of opponents in 1988 and the involvement of the revolution's leader and Ahmad Khomeini in this tragedy. Hassan Khomeini, who was a significant reformist candidate for the Assembly of Experts elections but was disqualified by the Guardian Council due to not participating in the written exam, labeled the 1988 mass executions as a 'lie' and attributed the release of the audio file to 'the malice of some towards the Imam and the Revolution,' comparing it to 'malice towards Imam Ali.' He elevated his grandfather (the revolution's leader) to the level of 'the Prophet of Islam and the Ahl al-Bayt,' describing affection for Ayatollah Khomeini as a 'national asset' and 'the focal point of connection' in Iran and 'one of the deepest axes of national unity' that is now again being targeted by some. The grandson of Ayatollah Khomeini, without acknowledging any criticism towards his grandfather, openly turned a blind eye to the mass executions of opponents in 1988; he not only remained silent in the face of the audio file but also harshly criticized Ayatollah Montazeri and his son Ahmad. Clearly, Hassan Khomeini prioritized defending the interests of the regime over safeguarding the fundamental rights of Iranian citizens, preferring his blood relationship over the spilled blood. The Jamaran website, which is considered a subsidiary of Hassan Khomeini, after the release of the audio file of Ayatollah Montazeri's remarks in a meeting with senior security and judicial officials responsible for the mass killings, widely republished the positions of opponents from the head of the judiciary to Abbas Salimi-Namin. Elias Hazrati, the editor-in-chief of Etemad and a member of parliament — who entered the parliament with the support of reformists — was among those who described the release of the audio file as 'suspicious' and condemned it, deeming it contrary to national interests. Realistic reformers; Motahari, Tajzadeh, and Amelshizi Under the shadow of the established tyranny in Iran, and in an atmosphere where the subject of the 1988 executions and criticism of Ayatollah Khomeini still have no way into the press, the position of two well-known political activists was completely distinct: Ali Motahari and Mustafa Tajzadeh. Although Ali Motahari is not considered a member of the reformist camp, his reformist positions in recent years, especially in parliament, have been quite distinct. The deputy speaker of parliament — who was on the Hope list and supported by reformists — not only did not question the authenticity of the audio file but also regarded Ayatollah Montazeri's words as 'out of concern and goodwill for the revolution' and called for clarification of the matter. He urged Raisi, Niri, and Pourmohammadi 'who were involved in the matter' and were present in the audio file during the meeting with Ayatollah Montazeri to 'explain and clarify the issue for the people.' Motahari went even further, emphasizing that 'if there was any negligence in the execution of the sentence,' an 'apology should be made.' In another important position, Mustafa Tajzadeh, a senior member of the Participation Front and the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution, noted in a statement that the 1988 massacre constituted a 'violation of the legal and judicial standards of the country.' Tajzadeh, while 'apologizing' to 'the families of those executed in that tragedy,' emphasized that 'we must make the most of public attention to these words for the establishment of democracy, the rejection of violence, and the rule of law in Iran.' He proposed a corrective and affirmative suggestion: 'The government, by apologizing to the nation, seeking forgiveness from the survivors, and reforming the judicial mechanisms of the homeland in a way that makes the repetition of such tragedies impossible, can heal the wounds caused by these executions.' Zahra Rabani Amelshizi, the daughter-in-law of Ayatollah Montazeri, also emphasized in an open and critical letter to Hassan Khomeini that the revolution is 'not dependent on the person' of Ayatollah Khomeini and that he was 'not infallible.' She posed the question to Hassan Khomeini, 'Do you deny the 1988 massacre?' and asked him to 'instead of taking a stance and denying and aligning with individuals like Hossein Shariatmadari,' to separate the mistakes from other matters by reviewing the political life history of Ayatollah Khomeini, because 'if this is not done, the wall of trust will collapse.' Ghadiani; the Clarity of an Avant-Garde Abolfazl Ghadiani, an activist of the Green Movement, represents a prominent viewpoint that has set aside pretense and concealment regarding the 1988 executions — in contrast to the understandable silence of many activists under the prevailing repression. In a position completely different from Javad Imam (the CEO of the Baran Foundation who, like Ghadiani, has a history of membership in the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution), he praised 'the honesty, clarity, and courage' of Ayatollah Montazeri and regarded it as 'stemming from his profound existential faith.' As long as a halo of sanctity surrounds Ayatollah Khomeini and the judicial rulings issued in the 1980s are evaluated as identical to Sharia and justice, the crisis — albeit hidden — continues. Without critiquing the trials of the 1980s and insisting on adhering to the requirements of fair trial procedures for all defendants, lawlessness and the violation of justice in the judicial system of the Islamic Republic will continue, claiming new victims every day. Ghadiani posed the question, 'What do the agents of religious tyranny want to hide?' emphasizing: 'A crime on the scale of the illegal and unjust executions of 1988 cannot be kept hidden.' He added: 'The more they strive to deny [the 1988 executions] and attempt to distort it, the greater the scandal it will bring upon them.' Ghadiani's words can be likened to the important and historic remarks of Zahra Rahnavard in October 2010 (before being placed under house arrest); Rahnavard had emphasized: 'Those actions [the mass executions of opponents in 1988] were outside the legal frameworks and ethical considerations... the dark stains that cannot be washed away with Zamzam and Kawthar water.' Ghadiani also regarded 'the minimum benefit and outcome of the release of Ayatollah Montazeri's audio file' as directing minds towards the necessity of the rule of law and its fair implementation and the establishment of democracy, the consequence of which will be transparency, and additionally, 'it can prevent the repetition of tragedies such as illegal executions.' The 1988 Executions and the Transition to Democracy The file of the mass killing of political opponents in the summer of 1988 and the release of Ayatollah Montazeri's audio file, as briefly reviewed above, has faced varied and diverse reactions from political activists in the multifaceted reformist camp. As mentioned, a significant majority of reformist activists have remained silent in response to the issue; Ahmad Montazeri (the son of Ayatollah Montazeri, who initiated the release of the historical audio file and has been summoned by the judicial authorities of the Islamic Republic for this reason) says about the silence of this group of reformists: 'It is due to their deep affection for the late Ayatollah Khomeini that they fear any dust may settle on him; however, silence or denial does not solve any problem.' Independently of those who have remained silent due to personal devotion and affection for the revolution's leader, a significant portion of reformists have also preferred silence over commentary due to the prevailing repression and the costly consequences and repercussions of the issue, as well as the lack of safe conditions for discussing this historical matter. Nevertheless, neither the denial and criticism from figures like Hassan Khomeini and Mousavi Bejnordi and Javad Imam and Elias Hazrati diminish the questions and sensitivities of citizens pursuing the historical issue, nor do the political, media, and judicial-security threats against Ahmad Montazeri. The transition to democracy in Iran is a complex and obstructed path. The file of the 1988 massacre is one of the significant issues that, without identifying the causes and factors involved, and without considering similar historical experiences (including in South Africa), the outcome and realization of democratic transition will not be easy. As long as a halo of sanctity surrounds Ayatollah Khomeini and the judicial rulings issued in the 1980s are evaluated as identical to Sharia and justice, the crisis — albeit hidden — continues. Without critiquing the trials of the 1980s and insisting on adhering to the requirements of fair trial procedures for all defendants, lawlessness and the violation of justice in the judicial system of the Islamic Republic will continue, claiming new victims every day.