The Open Project of the IRGC and Basij for the 2017 Presidential Election

Note--Although the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its subsidiary Basij have occupied many political, economic, and cultural domains, they are not satisfied with any limits and will advance as far as they can. Despite all the privileges they have obtained under pressure from Hassan Rouhani's government, they have been dissatisfied with him for various reasons. Ayatollah Khamenei has rejected any polarization in society, except for the revolutionary and anti-revolutionary dichotomy, which he claims is the same as the dichotomy between imperialism and anti-imperialism (refer to the article 'Khamenei's Double Standards in Polarizing Society'). It seems this time the IRGC is more openly entering the arena and intends to ride the wave of revolutionary and anti-revolutionary sentiment to elect their preferred candidate as president. The history of IRGC involvement dates back to when General Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr (born 1954) - along with Mohsen Rezaei, General Najat, and others - formed the right-wing leaders of the Islamic Revolutionary Mujahedin Organization. After Ayatollah Khomeini's decree banning any political activity by military personnel, the left-wing forces left the IRGC, but the right-wing forces remained and continued their political activities. At that time, they were defenders of 'Faghih Islam' and coordinated all their issues with Ayatollah Rasti Kashani. General Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr was appointed head of the IRGC General Staff by Ayatollah Khamenei on September 22, 1989. He held this position until he was appointed as the deputy commander of the IRGC on September 13, 1997, also by Ayatollah Khamenei. On December 10, 2007, he was appointed as the deputy of the Armed Forces General Staff for Basij affairs. Zolqadr was appointed by Sadegh Larijani as the 'Strategic Deputy of the Judiciary' on May 13, 2012, while retaining his position as 'Head of the Social and Crime Prevention Department' of the same judiciary. In the second presidential election of Khordad 1997, Zolqadr heavily mobilized his forces in favor of Nateq Nouri and against Mohammad Khatami, but suffered a severe defeat. The experience he gained in that election led him to design a multi-layered approach in the 2005 presidential election to make Mahmoud Ahmadinejad president. After the victory, Zolqadr stated that they managed to elect Ahmadinejad, who is 'a symbol of principledness, faith, revolutionary spirit, and justice' through 'correct and multi-layered design' (Iran Newspaper, July 7, 2005). This was the same election that Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mehdi Karroubi protested due to fraud and military interference. Mehdi Karroubi wrote a harsh letter to Ayatollah Khamenei, officially stating that your son (Mojtaba Khamenei) had a direct intervention in this election, to which Ayatollah Khamenei responded harshly. Hashemi Rafsanjani also said that since the institutions that should address this issue have officially defended Ahmadinejad, he leaves his complaint to God. Ali Motahari - the Deputy Speaker of Parliament - recently stated: 'Ahmadinejad was smart and quickly realized that part of the system wanted Mr. Hashemi sidelined. Therefore, many revolutionary forces and governmental institutions supported Ahmadinejad, and despite the appearance suggesting that Mr. Qalibaf could win, Ahmadinejad was supported in the last week and made it to the second round. Mr. Hashemi protested here and announced several times, ultimately saying he left it to God. He believed that the 2005 election was engineered, and later he also complained, and he told me that 110 military commanders were convicted in court for interfering in the elections, and we saw that if the ruling were to be executed, it would be very bad for the system, and we let it go.' The presidential election on May 19, 2017, is less than three months away. On December 25, 2016, ten principlists announced the formation of the 'Popular Front of Islamic Revolutionary Forces' with the intention of introducing a rival candidate to Hassan Rouhani. General Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr was one of those ten and the 'Head of Staff' of this front. Reformists and moderates, aware of Zolqadr's history of interference in elections, protested how a commander of the IRGC and deputy of the judiciary could openly form a party and organization to introduce a rival candidate to Hassan Rouhani. General Ramadan Sharif - the IRGC spokesman - announced on February 6, 2017, that General Zolqadr had retired from the IRGC for some time. Following this, the Fars News Agency - affiliated with the IRGC and Basij - wrote that the 'Strategic Deputy' and 'Social and Crime Prevention Deputy' of the judiciary are not positions that legally conflict with organizational activities. The revolutionary and anti-revolutionary dichotomy The entry of military personnel into the political and economic arena creates structural corruption. Which person or group can compete with an institution that has hundreds of thousands of forces across the country and is the most organized force? Iran's state and rentier economy became more state-run and rentier with the entry of the IRGC. The IRGC even uses its regional presence within the country for economic and political benefits. On February 6, 2017, General Zolqadr spoke at the preliminary conference of the Popular Front of Islamic Revolutionary Forces. The entire speech revolved around the revolutionary and anti-revolutionary dichotomy constructed by Ali Khamenei. He spoke of the resistance front at the regional and global levels supporting the Islamic Republic and added: 'The Islamic Republic of Iran is the center of struggle and opposition to the system of domination in the power and security structure of the world, and in the course of the hard confrontation that has been ongoing for nearly 40 years, the main factor of the Islamic Republic's success is its revolutionary nature and approach.' The anti-revolutionary front is positioned against the revolution and the Islamic Republic. He stated that 'there is a vast front that encompasses the head of the system of domination, namely the United States and the Zionist regime, as well as the arrogant powers of the West and the tyrants of the region and the anti-revolutionaries abroad and their backers within the system.' Anti-revolutionaries have infiltrated the system as enemy agents and must be sidelined in elections: 'Within the system, we witness the existence and infiltration of a non-revolutionary current that must be recognized and resisted... The enemy has managed to capture goals and strongholds that, by God's grace, we will reclaim.' All revolutionary forces must unite in a jihadist front and clarify the status of anti-revolutionaries and non-revolutionaries by the people [IRGC and Basij]: 'In various upheavals, especially the upheavals of 1999 and 2009, it was these people [i.e., the IRGC, Basij, and police] who finished the job and unraveled the plot of the upheaval and its perpetrators with their revolutionary presence.' Ayatollah Mohammadi Kermani also stated in a meeting on February 24, 2017, that 'America's hostility' is an essential characteristic of the future president. The revolutionary (anti-American) and anti-revolutionary (pro-American) dichotomy is uncertain whether it will benefit Khamenei, the principlists, and the military, as this dichotomy will be reduced to a dichotomy between pro-Russian and pro-Western factions (refer to the article 'How Khamenei Created the Pro-Russian and Pro-Western Dichotomy'). Presidential candidates from the IRGC If you look at the IRGC media (Fars News Agency, Tasnim News Agency, Mashregh News, and Javan Newspaper, etc.), you will see that they are all uniformly defending this front and seeking the victory of its candidate in the elections. Many (Mohsen Rezaei, Ezzatollah Zarghami, Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, Parviz Fattah, Rostam Qasemi, Gholamreza Mesbahi Moghadam, Alireza Zakani, etc.) of the presidential candidates from the 'Popular Front of Islamic Revolutionary Forces' have been commanders or members of the IRGC. Major General Mohsen Rezaei has long returned to the IRGC and not only does he not have the right to engage in political activities in favor of groups and parties according to Ayatollah Khomeini's orders and election laws, but also according to the general policies of the system approved by the Expediency Discernment Council. Nevertheless, he officially announced his support for the 'Popular Front of Islamic Revolutionary Forces.' According to the website Rajanews - affiliated with hardline principlists - Mohsen Rezaei, along with Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr, met with Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi in Qom on February 1, 2017, representing the 'Popular Front of Islamic Revolutionary Forces.' While claiming to have returned to the IRGC to defend the revolution and the resistance front under the leadership, on March 4, 2017, he stated that the next government will be revolutionary - meaning the candidate of this front will win - and added: 'Of course, I respect the mandate of the Popular Front of Islamic Revolutionary Forces. Rejecting such a request [for this front's candidacy for the presidency] is difficult for me.' Rezaei has previously run for president twice and once for parliament without success. General Qalibaf - the 12-year mayor of Tehran - has also run for president several times without success. The spokesman for the 'Popular Front of Islamic Revolutionary Forces' stated: 'Ayatollah Mohammadi Kermani and Ayatollah Yazdi have announced their support for the Popular Front.' Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi is a member of the Guardian Council. As one of the main members of the institution responsible for 'supervisory oversight of elections,' he should at least maintain appearances and not support a rival candidate in this manner. The end of militarism If dictatorship is to continue, if 'national plunder' is to continue, if repression is to continue, if inefficiency is to continue; at least use a bit of common sense and do not expose the country to 'becoming like Syria.' Every country needs military forces to perform its professional duties - maintaining the security of the borders and internal security - under civilian oversight. However, the entry of military personnel into the political and economic arena creates structural corruption. Which person or group can compete with an institution that has hundreds of thousands of forces across the country and is the most organized force? Iran's state and rentier economy became more state-run and rentier with the entry of the IRGC. The IRGC even uses its regional presence within the country for economic and political benefits. Have the people forgotten how these IRGC members made Mahmoud Ahmadinejad president? What did Ahmadinejad and the IRGC do with $800 billion in foreign exchange revenue during the eight years of that revolutionary, value-oriented, principled president - whom Ayatollah Khamenei said had the best government since the Constitutional Revolution and brought the train of the revolution back on its tracks and whose views were closest to those of the Leader - that today the country's situation is like this? How many billions of dollars of oil were given to Babak Zanjani with the support of the IRGC, and it is unclear where that money went? Ahmadinejad was president for two years, and Qalibaf was mayor of Tehran for 12 years. What has been the result of these 14 years of holding the Tehran municipality and 'revolutionary and jihadist management'? The least they did was extensive air sales and issuing permits for the construction of buildings that violate urban planning regulations, which, if an earthquake occurs, the results will be evident. They have exposed the country to foreign military attack with their Don Quixote-like slogans. They have made most regional countries enemies of Iran and still do not back down and intend to realize their threats by taking over the presidency. If dictatorship is to continue, if 'national plunder' is to continue, if repression is to continue, if inefficiency is to continue; at least use a bit of common sense and do not expose the country to 'becoming like Syria.' Ayatollah Khomeini repeatedly stated a correct principle: the entry of military personnel into the political arena is like cancer spreading throughout society and government. Although Ayatollah Khomeini repeatedly warned about the danger of the entry of IRGC members into politics, Major General Mohsen Rezaei falsely claimed that the Imam told Ayatollah Montazeri, who warned about the danger of an IRGC coup, 'What is the problem? They are our own children; they won't go far' (refer to the article 'An IRGC coup is not a problem; they won't go far'). Yes, any lie can be told and any fraud can be committed for the sake of monopolizing political and military power.