The Republic of House Arrest

House arrest of opponents, although it has a history even before the Islamic Republic, has seen its highest instances under this government. This may be because all those under house arrest have been prominent former officials, religious authorities, and significant political figures, and the government has found house arrest to be less costly than imprisonment. On the other hand, none of these individuals have been tried in any court, and there is no legal provision for house arrest in Iranian law. 1) Kazem Shariatmadari, the Rival Ayatollah Kazem Shariatmadari can be considered the highest-ranking individual under house arrest during Ayatollah Khomeini's leadership. Before the 1979 Revolution, although Shariatmadari, along with several other religious authorities, introduced Khomeini as a religious authority to prevent his execution, their relationship was not good, and there were clashes between the students of both sides on the famous night known as 'Lailat al-Dharb.' After the revolution, Khomeini and Shariatmadari met, but hidden conflicts continued. The formation of the Muslim People's Party under Shariatmadari's support made Khomeini's associates more sensitive towards him, as other religious authorities like Ayatollah Golpaygani did not have a significant presence in politics. 1) Kazem Shariatmadari, the Rival Ayatollah Kazem Shariatmadari can be considered the highest-ranking individual under house arrest during Ayatollah Khomeini's leadership. Before the 1979 Revolution, although Shariatmadari, along with several other religious authorities, introduced Khomeini as a religious authority to prevent his execution, their relationship was not good, and there were clashes between the students of both sides on the famous night known as 'Lailat al-Dharb.' After the revolution, Khomeini and Shariatmadari met, but hidden conflicts continued. The formation of the Muslim People's Party under Shariatmadari's support made Khomeini's associates more sensitive towards him, as other religious authorities like Ayatollah Golpaygani did not have a significant presence in politics. After these conflicts, Sadegh Qotbzadeh claimed in his televised confessions that Shariatmadari was aware of a coup plan to assassinate Khomeini. This confession, which Ayatollah Montazeri implicitly considered a conspiracy, laid the groundwork for Shariatmadari's house arrest on April 16, 1982. According to reports, Mohammadi Reyshahri slapped this religious authority and pressured him for televised confessions. The broadcast of the confession video did not lead to his release from house arrest, and he remained under house arrest until March 1986, only being transferred to a hospital 40 days before his death. According to Mohsen Kadivar, the leaders of the Islamic Republic were aware of Shariatmadari's cancer since 1982, but Khomeini stated that he 'should be confined to his home to rot and die with his illness.' Shariatmadari's body was secretly buried, and Ayatollah Reza Sadr, who was supposed to pray over his body according to this religious authority's will, was detained for a day. This treatment even led to a protest from Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Golpaygani, a traditional religious authority. 2) The House Arrest of the Leader of the Uprising in Mashhad According to Mohsen Kadivar, the leaders of the Islamic Republic were aware of Shariatmadari's cancer since 1982, but Khomeini stated that he 'should be confined to his home to rot and die with his illness.' Shariatmadari's body was secretly buried, and Ayatollah Reza Sadr, who was supposed to pray over his body according to this religious authority's will, was detained for a day. This treatment even led to a protest from Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Golpaygani, a traditional religious authority. According to some accounts, before Shariatmadari, Hassan Tabatabai Qomi was also under house arrest and protested the nighttime burial of Shariatmadari's body. Although the exact date of his house arrest is not clear, he, who was the leader of the June 15, 1963 uprising in Mashhad and had been imprisoned and exiled for years under the Shah's regime, was placed under house arrest after the revolution due to his oppositional stance. He opposed the principle of Velayat-e Faqih and believed in a council of religious authorities to govern the Islamic state. Ayatollah Tabatabai Qomi also protested in his last interview against 'the deprivation of people's freedoms,' 'censorship,' 'lack of freedom of expression,' 'judges interfering in legislative and political matters, creating fake courts.' According to some accounts, he went under house arrest in 1981, but there is no report on the exact timing of his house arrest. His house arrest continued during the leadership of Ayatollah Khamenei, who, according to Mohsen Kadivar, had been his student for at least a year. Ultimately, Ayatollah Tabatabai Qomi was gradually released from house arrest after 15 years and passed away in 2007. 3) House Arrest of the Deputy Leader He, who was the leader of the June 15, 1963 uprising in Mashhad and had been imprisoned and exiled for years under the Shah's regime, was placed under house arrest after the revolution due to his oppositional stance. He opposed the principle of Velayat-e Faqih and believed in a council of religious authorities to govern the Islamic state. Ayatollah Tabatabai Qomi also protested in his last interview against 'the deprivation of people's freedoms,' 'censorship,' 'lack of freedom of expression,' 'judges interfering in legislative and political matters, creating fake courts.' According to some accounts, he went under house arrest in 1981, but there is no report on the exact timing of his house arrest. His house arrest continued during the leadership of Ayatollah Khamenei, who, according to Mohsen Kadivar, had been his student for at least a year. Ultimately, Ayatollah Tabatabai Qomi was gradually released from house arrest after 15 years and passed away in 2007. Among the religious authorities under house arrest, only Ayatollah Sadegh Rouhani is still alive. He, who was among the clergy opposing the government before the revolution, was placed under house arrest in 1985 after protesting the statements of members of the Assembly of Experts regarding the fact that this assembly had only introduced Ayatollah Montazeri, while he had previously been elected by the people to the position of deputy leadership. However, Ayatollah Montazeri stated that he opposed this house arrest and informed both Ayatollah Khomeini and Mohammad Mohammadi Reyshahri, the then Minister of Intelligence, but they ignored this opposition. He remained under house arrest for 13 years after the removal of Ayatollah Montazeri. Kazem Rouhani, his son, was married to Nafiseh Eshraqi, the granddaughter of Ayatollah Khomeini, but they separated in 1995. Mohammad Rouhani, the brother of Sadegh Rouhani, was mentioned as one of the two successors to Ayatollah Khoei along with Ayatollah Sistani. 4) House Arrest of the Deputy Leader Ayatollah Montazeri is the highest government official to have been removed from office in the Islamic Republic and placed under house arrest. Despite holding the position of deputy leadership, he continued to criticize the government's actions and maintained his criticisms during Ayatollah Khamenei's leadership. However, the atmosphere after Khordad 2 (May 23, 1997) allowed his words to gain more resonance. Ayatollah Montazeri stated that he opposed this house arrest and informed both Ayatollah Khomeini and Mohammad Mohammadi Reyshahri, the then Minister of Intelligence, but they ignored this opposition. He remained under house arrest for 13 years after the removal of Ayatollah Montazeri. Kazem Rouhani, his son, was married to Nafiseh Eshraqi, the granddaughter of Ayatollah Khomeini, but they separated in 1995. Mohammad Rouhani, the brother of Sadegh Rouhani, was mentioned as one of the two successors to Ayatollah Khoei along with Ayatollah Sistani. Ayatollah Montazeri is the highest government official to have been removed from office in the Islamic Republic and placed under house arrest. Despite holding the position of deputy leadership, he continued to criticize the government's actions and maintained his criticisms during Ayatollah Khamenei's leadership. However, the atmosphere after Khordad 2 (May 23, 1997) allowed his words to gain more resonance. In a speech on November 14, 1997, he referred to the attempts to introduce Ayatollah Khamenei as the most knowledgeable religious authority as 'degrading the Shiite authority' and criticized Mohammad Khatami for his conservatism. Following this speech, plainclothes forces attacked the Hosseiniyeh and office of this religious authority, and he was placed under house arrest. During his house arrest, he continued his critical stance and published his memoirs, which included important topics such as the mass execution of political prisoners in 1988. Ayatollah Montazeri's house arrest was lifted on January 29, 2003. After that, he continued his critical positions and strongly criticized the suppression of protesters during the 2009 presidential election. Ayatollah Montazeri passed away on December 20, 2009, and his funeral in Qom was attended by protesters against the election, chanting slogans against the government. He continued his critical stance during his house arrest and published his memoirs, which included important topics such as the mass execution of political prisoners in 1988. Ayatollah Montazeri's house arrest was lifted on January 29, 2003. After that, he continued his critical positions and strongly criticized the suppression of protesters during the 2009 presidential election. Ayatollah Montazeri passed away on December 20, 2009, and his funeral in Qom was attended by protesters against the election, chanting slogans against the government. An image from Ayatollah Montazeri's funeral in 2009. 5) Apology for Attempting to Lead Ayatollah Khamenei Simultaneously with Ayatollah Montazeri, Ayatollah Ahmad Azari Qomi also criticized the efforts to introduce Ayatollah Khamenei as the most knowledgeable religious authority and was placed under house arrest, but his house arrest did not receive much attention in the political and media space. Azari Qomi was the Secretary-General of the Society of Teachers, a group that issued the letter of dismissal for Ayatollah Shariatmadari from religious authority. However, this letter was signed by Mohammad Yazdi. He had expressed contradictory views on Velayat-e Faqih. He articulated the famous 'Mawla and Irshadi' theory after Ayatollah Khomeini's statement regarding the necessity of the parliament's vote for Mir Hossein Mousavi. This means that some opinions of the Velayat-e Faqih are obligatory and must be executed, while others are advisory and merely recommendatory. However, during Ayatollah Khamenei's leadership, he stated in a different opinion that the Velayat-e Faqih could 'even temporarily suspend Tawhid.' Azari Qomi later wrote that Ayatollah Khomeini threatened him after these remarks, stating that his position 'does not reach the level of influence and status of Ayatollah Shariatmadari' and 'should not overstep his bounds.' Ultimately, however, the relationship between Azari Qomi and Ayatollah Khomeini did not escalate into conflict, and he established a foundation and the Resalat newspaper, which became one of the main critics of Mir Hossein Mousavi's government. Nevertheless, during Ayatollah Khamenei's leadership, he did not have a serious presence in politics. Azari Qomi was the Secretary-General of the Society of Teachers, a group that issued the letter of dismissal for Ayatollah Shariatmadari from religious authority. However, this letter was signed by Mohammad Yazdi. He had expressed contradictory views on Velayat-e Faqih. He articulated the famous 'Mawla and Irshadi' theory after Ayatollah Khomeini's statement regarding the necessity of the parliament's vote for Mir Hossein Mousavi. This means that some opinions of the Velayat-e Faqih are obligatory and must be executed, while others are advisory and merely recommendatory. However, during Ayatollah Khamenei's leadership, he stated in a different opinion that the Velayat-e Faqih could 'even temporarily suspend Tawhid.' Azari Qomi later wrote that Ayatollah Khomeini threatened him after these remarks, stating that his position 'does not reach the level of influence and status of Ayatollah Shariatmadari' and 'should not overstep his bounds.' Ultimately, however, the relationship between Azari Qomi and Ayatollah Khomeini did not escalate into conflict, and he established a foundation and the Resalat newspaper, which became one of the main critics of Mir Hossein Mousavi's government. Nevertheless, during Ayatollah Khamenei's leadership, he did not have a serious presence in politics. Ahmad Azari Qomi (third from the right) alongside Ahmad Jannati and Ali Moshkini at Friday prayers. Ahmad Azari Qomi was also placed under house arrest in 1997 due to protests against efforts to introduce Ayatollah Khamenei as the most knowledgeable religious authority after an attack on his home. He passed away after 15 months of house arrest on February 11, 1999, while suffering from leukemia and unable to receive treatment during his house arrest. Mohsen Kadivar quoted Ayatollah Mohammad Momen, a member of the Guardian Council, stating that Ayatollah Khamenei responded to his request to lift Azari Qomi's house arrest due to his illness and the possibility of his death in house arrest by saying, 'Good riddance.' 6) The Most Notable House Arrest The house arrest of Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi, and Zahra Rahnavard, the protesters against the 2009 presidential election, is the most notable house arrest in the history of the Islamic Republic. Changes in the political conditions in the country, the occurrence of house arrest one year after the protests against the election, and the presence of social networks and Persian-language media abroad have drawn more attention to this house arrest. Unlike previous house arrests, this one has also been discussed in the official political space in Iran, with some members of parliament mentioning it, and even its removal was among the electoral promises of Hassan Rouhani. Unlike previous house arrests, where relatives were usually allowed to visit the detainees, these three individuals only had the opportunity to meet with relatives under conditions determined by security officials until last year.