The Revolutionary Guards and the Legion of Young Poets

Amid the clamor of important news, many media outlets overlooked the arrest of another poet. The family of Mohammad Reza Haj Rostam Baghlou announced his arrest on December 25, 2015, via social media. Mr. Haj Rostam Baghlou has been banned from formal teaching for years and conducts his classes on poetry and the philosophy of art in his home or in public cafes in Karaj. He is one of the founders of the Karaj Young Poets Association established in 1999, which was prevented from continuing its activities after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's government came to power. Young poets like Mehdi Mousavi, who have been sentenced to prison and flogging, are among those who have published their poetry through participation in poetry reading sessions in Karaj and on specialized poetry websites in recent years. Most of Haj Rostam Baghlou's romantic ghazals were also published on these Persian blog networks. After the process of book censorship and the issuance of publication permits for poetry collections became stricter in the late 2000s, especially in 2011 and 2012, more poets turned to these blogs to publish their works. The arrest of Haj Rostam Baghlou came just days after the poet and songwriter Yaghma Golrouyi, from the same generation (born in the 1970s), was released on bail after ten days in detention on December 18, 2015. The Strategic Monitoring Institute, which is close to the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence, referred to Fatemeh Ekhtesari and Mehdi Mousavi as poets connected to Yaghma Golrouyi during their arrest. Such references and the timing of the arrests support the hypothesis that the security officials of the Revolutionary Guards view the activities of poets as part of an organized effort and systematically confront them. Previously, a poem titled "Tehran" by Mohammad Reza Haj Bigloo, in the poet's own voice, was published online, detailing the poet's grievances about historical events in Tehran from the Qajar era to the present. The publication of such poems in the poets' voices is a new trend that has gained popularity in recent years. This trend expanded after the publication of recordings of poets like Hila Sedighi and Mohammad Reza Ali Payam during poetry reading sessions in Tehran, coinciding with the suppression of protests following the 2009 elections. Hila Sedighi was imprisoned for a time and faced pressure, while Mohammad Reza Ali Payam was imprisoned in 2012 and 2015. Mr. Ali Payam explained on his Facebook page that he was tried twice for writing a poem, once in 2013 and once in 2014. Since then, poets who have been deprived of the opportunity to publish their works in book form and periodicals have used social media to share their poetry in their own voices and, in some cases, released them as CDs that could obtain permits as a means of connecting with their audiences. The release of "I Have a Dream" and "Liberation" from Yaghma Golrouyi's works exemplifies the success of this method of publishing poets' verses. Other examples of these poems can be found on specialized poetry websites. It seems that regardless of the content of the poetry, its reception also increases pressure on poets. In some cases, the use of these poems by readers abroad has led to increased pressure and arrests for poets in Iran. The main accusation against Fatemeh Ekhtesari, Mehdi Mousavi, and Yaghma Golrouyi was the use of their poetry by Iranian singer Shahin Najafi abroad. This trend of poets' arrests is linked to other actions taken by the Revolutionary Guards to prevent the activities of independent music websites. In the latest example, composers Mehdi Rajabian and Youssef Emadi were each sentenced to five years in prison for insulting sacred beliefs and one year for propaganda against the regime, along with several million tomans in fines. Mr. Rajabian was arrested in October 2013 while recording a research project on the history of Iran through the setar. The management of poetry censorship and the confrontation with poets in the Islamic Republic is not a new phenomenon. During the revolution in Iran, most prominent poets were among the revolution's supporters, and in the years following the 1979 revolution, this group of poets gradually distanced themselves from the government. Groups like Esmail Khoei left the country permanently. Figures like Ahmad Shamloo and Mehdi Akhavan-Sales came and went, while those like Simin Behbahani and Mohammad Ali Sepanlou who remained faced censorship and social and cultural restrictions until the end of their lives. Perhaps this association has heightened the sensitivity of the Islamic Republic's officials towards poetry, and Ali Khamenei's personal interest in poetry should also be considered one of the reasons for the special sensitivity towards poetry and poets. Three main policies have governed the censorship of poetry and increased restrictions on poets in Iran over the past three decades: The first policy is the censorship of poetry in books and periodicals, which occurs within the framework of the general censorship policy of written works. The late 1990s and to some extent the early 2000s can be considered a springtime for young poets. This spring was the result of a few budding works that could obtain permits. Cultural publications paid more attention to poetry, and several professional and student publications dedicated to poetry were published. However, from 2010 onwards, the censorship of poetry intensified once again. This increased censorship provided more grounds for poets to turn to the internet and Facebook. The second policy involves creating organizations to control poetry. The Poetry and Song Council was established in the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, which not only reviewed poetry used in music but also examined cassettes and CDs of published poetry. This council was managed by some well-known poets who collaborated with the government and some young poets from the post-revolution years. However, during the intensified censorship from 2009 to 2012, even poets within this council sometimes did not accept the prevailing policies. In recent years, poetry councils have been established in most provinces to carry out poetry censorship at the provincial level. In the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting Organization, a council called the Supreme Poetry Council was also established to perform similar functions regarding poetry used in broadcasting. This organization even sets criteria for suitable poetry and words that are preferable to use in poetry. For years, this organization was under the control of Ali Malekzadeh Damghani, who was a poet with a close friendship with Mr. Khamenei. Mr. Malekzadeh was appointed head of the Iranian Academy of Arts after facing Mir Hossein Mousavi, the then head of the Academy. The third policy is to support poets who are considered allies of the government. The first institution of this kind was established in the Arts Bureau of the Islamic Propagation Organization. Later, an organization called the Poets' Association was formed with the support of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. This organization later acquired a building that became known as the House of Poets. Poets like Ghaisar Aminpour, Saeed Bagheri, and Fatemeh Rakeei are among the most prominent poets in this group and have usually aligned with political movements close to reformists. Alongside this organization, Mr. Khamenei, dissatisfied with the changing views of most poets in this spectrum, strengthened his poetry reading sessions and supported poets who recited poetry in his presence through material and promotional support. In these sessions, Mr. Khamenei sometimes corrects poets' verses and evaluates them. Despite all the efforts made within the framework of these three main policies regarding poetry, the Iranian government remains dissatisfied with the atmosphere surrounding young poets in Iran. Themes of love, rebellion, and defiance, which express a kind of overt and covert protest against the political, cultural, and social conditions, are abundant in the poetry of young and often unknown poets. However, what has worried security officials the most is the new possibilities offered by the internet and social media, which gradually bring some poets out of isolation and turn them into popular figures among the youth. These young people are typically not affiliated with any political faction among the ruling factions in Iran and often grow and are recognized in a non-political environment. This characteristic has made confronting this group of poets more difficult for the security officials of the Revolutionary Guards than previously thought. In the new conditions, the Revolutionary Guards are not only facing a few specific poets. Now, in the silence of prominent national poets, the Iranian government is confronted with a legion of unknown yet independent and rebellious poets.