The Seyyeds of Iran (4); The Business of Seyyeds

The social and political role of Seyyeds in Iran is discussed in the writings of the renowned Dutch-American Iranologist Willem Floor, focusing on the Seyyeds' role during the Qajar period based on European sources, published in 2016 in the journal "Studia Iranica." This thesis contains 129 footnotes, each referencing one or more sources. All cartoons are from the satirical magazine "Molla Nasruddin," which was published in the Azerbaijani Turkish language in Tbilisi from 1906 to 1913. This magazine had also influenced Iranian constitutional literature and was later published in Tabriz and then Baku before being shut down a few years after the establishment of the Soviet government. The following text is the fourth section of a summary of a thesis by the famous Dutch Iranologist Willem Floor about the social and political role of Seyyeds in Qajar Iran, published in 2016 in the journal "Studia Iranica." The Persian summary of this study is presented in four parts to the readers of the "Radio Farda" website: (1) What does "Seyyed" mean? How to identify Seyyeds (2) False Seyyeds, their numbers (3) Respect mixed with fear (4) The occupations of Seyyeds and their sources of income. The business of Seyyeds. American missionary Samuel Wilson, who lived in Iran, particularly in Tabriz, for a long time, wrote in 1890 about Seyyeds: "Many of them are wealthy and respectable people, yet having such a class in a country that holds privileges without any justification is not right." Seyyeds could be found in every class and stratum of society. In fact, most of them had to engage in some work to sustain their livelihood. Since most people regarded them as sacred individuals, most of their work was somehow related to religion and faith. According to Mohsen Sadr, most Seyyeds were clerics who supported themselves through reciting religious elegies. Some were mosque attendants and servants. If there was a shrine in a city or village, the position of caretaker was preferably assigned to a Seyyed. Seyyeds also organized group pilgrimages to holy sites, particularly to Mashhad. About two months before the journey began, Seyyeds would seek out the faithful and gather volunteers for the pilgrimage. The Seyyed organizing the trip would assure each of them that they would have a safe journey pleasing to God to the shrine of Imam Reza and would collect a certain amount of money from each. He promised that he would check the stars and, according to astrology, would continue the caravan on auspicious days, would only stop at the best and cheapest inns along the way, and would protect the pilgrims from the evil eyes of men and the temptations of Satan. When the pilgrims arrived in Mashhad, a group of clerics and Seyyeds would greet them. One group of Seyyeds would assist them from the entrance of the Imam Reza shrine to recite the necessary prayers in Arabic, imitating them, and then explain how the pilgrimage ceremony was conducted. Seyyeds were also present in the higher ranks of Shia clergy. Malcolm noted in the early decades of the 19th century that "more or less all clergy in Iran are Seyyeds," and Polak exaggeratedly added in 1860 that "only Seyyeds can become Mujtahids, Sheikhs of Islam, or Friday Prayer Imams." It seems that while Seyyeds governed the religious affairs of holy sites, they also held most religious positions and ranks in the country during the Qajar period. Apparently, this situation continued throughout the 19th century. The so-called "high Seyyeds," who were the upper class of Seyyeds, held the highest religious and state-religious positions, and even some rulers were Seyyeds. However, Seyyeds were also present in other occupations. For instance, some village heads, landowners, and even some money changers were Seyyeds. In Tehran, a money changer named Haj Seyyed Ismail lived, who had a certain wealth but gained significant fame because people from all classes trusted him with their money for safekeeping in exchange for a certain amount. Among merchants, we also see some wealthy Seyyeds like Mirza Qomayi Behbahan, who even took control of the Behbahan government for a while in the mid-Qajar period (around the 1840s). However, the poorer Seyyeds, apart from reciting elegies and writing amulets, engaged in ordinary jobs such as agriculture, craftsmanship, military service, and even domestic work. Mozafar al-Din Mirza, the Qajar crown prince, ordered Seyyeds when he was the governor of Azerbaijan to "not go out in large groups into the streets and markets." He also ordered that "the merchants who are the masters of these Seyyeds are not allowed to assign them to collect debts from the people." Additionally, local government and religious officials usually had a group of "louts" under their command, which they used for various purposes, including inciting riots against opponents, spreading rumors, organizing demonstrations, injuring, and sometimes even killing those individuals. In such cases, the presence of Seyyeds among the louts made achieving practical results easier. In January 1909, when someone wanted to import several boxes of tea from the customs of the port of Bushehr, he sought to submit a fabricated declaration to the customs office, and for this reason, the customs officer confiscated those boxes of tea. The owner of the tea boxes complained to Sheikh Ali Dashti, one of the local clerics, who then sent several Seyyeds to the customs office to create a commotion. And so it happened. However, before things got out of control, the head of the customs office paid a sum as a "gift" to the Seyyeds in question, and thus the uproar subsided. In another incident in March of the same year, the head of the Bushehr customs office preemptively paid one of those Seyyeds 250 tomans to prevent a new protest and riot against the customs office. There were also tasks that Seyyeds were more suitable for than others. For example, government and religious officials used Seyyeds alongside "students" and attendants to execute judicial orders, including collecting debts from one another, because people did not treat Seyyeds harshly, and for instance, the servants of the debtor did not dare to beat the Seyyeds who came to collect the debts. For this reason, Mozafar al-Din Mirza, the Qajar crown prince, ordered Seyyeds when he was the governor of Azerbaijan to "not go out in large groups into the streets and markets." He also ordered that "the merchants who are the masters of these Seyyeds are not allowed to assign them to collect debts from the people." The local influence of Seyyeds was most evident in their place of residence, and if a Seyyed belonged to a reputable lineage such as the Tabatabai family, his influence was correspondingly greater, and his prestige was considered higher than others. Similarly, the "Razavi" Seyyeds, who were considered descendants of the eighth Imam Reza, particularly had very high influence and prestige in Mashhad, and compared to other Seyyeds, a significantly smaller number of them had to work for their livelihood. The local influence and prestige of Seyyeds were most evident in their place of residence, and if a Seyyed belonged to a reputable lineage such as the Tabatabai family, his influence was correspondingly greater, and his prestige was considered higher than others. In many cities, a tribe such as the Seyyeds of Mohallas or Seyyeds of Farahan Arak existed, each consisting of several families. In Shushtar, the majority of upper-class families and elites were Seyyeds. In Sabzevar, the Seyyeds of Arabshahi formed the ruling tribe, all of whom descended from a specific tribe of Arabshahis. One of these Arabshahis held the position of caretaker of the shrine of Yahya, the son of Musa ibn Jafar, the seventh Shia Imam. This tribe consisted of about a hundred families living in Sabzevar and its surroundings. Despite internal disputes among themselves, these families appeared united and cohesive outside the tribe. They had a chief whom the entire tribe obeyed. In Sabzevar, everyone, whether cleric, ruler, or government official, needed the support of the Arabshahis, and people also tried to gain their favor. If the Arabshahis opposed someone or something, that work or person would encounter problems. Whenever they held a gathering, everyone would attend. In terms of occupation, the Arabshahis were landowners, farmers, clerics, students, scholars, and merchants. At the same time, when an Arabshahi made a promise, he fulfilled it. They helped people. If they wanted, the market would close. Any decision they made would be executed. Respected clerics bowed before them, and government officials sought friendship with them, knowing that without their approval, nothing would progress in Sabzevar. However, despite all this power and influence, it was said that the Arabshahis did not abuse their position. Conclusion for Discussion In the previous sections of this study, we saw that Seyyeds are a group of people who consider themselves descendants of the Prophet of Islam through his daughter and wife of Ali, Fatima. Many people have claimed Seyyeds status precisely because of the benefits that come with being a Seyyed (such as financial, material, legal advantages, and immunity from reprimand and punishment) to take advantage of these privileges. For this reason, from the early days of Islam, a system was established for the registration, coordination, and management of Seyyeds. However, over hundreds of years, many opportunities arose for false claims of Seyyeds status, and many took advantage of these opportunities to falsely present themselves as "Seyyed." At the beginning of the Qajar period, it does not seem that a comprehensive system was established throughout Iran to oversee the activities of Seyyeds. This may have been done at a local level. Only in the 1870s did Naser al-Din Shah re-establish a kind of comprehensive oversight over the Seyyed class. Seyyeds wore green or dark blue turbans or belts and were accepted with honor and respect by most people. They provided people with elegy recitations and prayers and amulet writing, while also insistently demanding money from the community. Also, due to the public perception of the sanctity of Seyyeds, they played a specific role in resolving various disputes and problems of the people. Although Seyyeds primarily engaged in religious and spiritual matters, they were also present in other levels and areas of social life and activity. Some of them performed tasks solely for money, being bold and constantly demanding. However, some other Seyyeds were benevolent, helpful, and humble individuals, or were considered a mix between these two categories. In this sense, Seyyeds were a mirror of the diversity of Iranian society at that time, showing that despite the general perception of the sanctity of Seyyeds, they were also ordinary people like others. The profound changes that occurred in Iranian society from the 1920s, particularly during the reign of Reza Shah, led to a decline in the significance of religious ceremonies, changes in clothing, and an increase and expansion of modern education. As a result, the social role and respect, especially towards Seyyeds, also diminished to the point that today many Seyyeds do not even want to refer to their Seyyed status.