The newspaper 'Qanoon' printed its front page white and wrote: 'Due to the distressing nature of the images related to the torture of Azam and her children, and to empathize with all victims of domestic violence, we are unable to publish the front page photo.' In a report titled 'Invisible Inaction,' the newspaper criticized 'the indifference of society and officials to the increase in violence' and stated that the publication of images of Azam's torture and her daughters 'impacted citizens by revealing inhumane behaviors in parts of society. Images that seemingly represent the peak of violence against women with male power display, which, as much as one can talk about, cannot be shown because they depict pitiful scenes of a man’s violence against a woman and his daughters that one cannot even see in the wild.' Farshid Ishaqi, the reporter for Qanoon, noted that 'the story and images of the oppression against Azam, a woman living in Mashhad, have so profoundly affected the virtual space in recent days that it has sparked a wave of reactions from users.' Azam and her two daughters, aged 5 and 7, spent 21 days under the torture of her addicted husband without food and water. Qanoon emphasized that 'the disturbing inaction of certain groups of people and officials in the face of incidents like Azam's is a bitter reality that has contributed to the continuation of stories like Azam's in recent years.' This situation has led to even individuals such as the officials at Azam's daughters' school not following up on her condition while she was imprisoned. Sociologist Hossein Imani Jorjami commented on the reasons for such bitter incidents, stating: 'There is never a supportive approach in the behavior of officials. Officials prefer to have harsh interactions, while such behaviors often do not yield positive results and create new problems.' Qanoon stressed that 'the impoverishment caused by macro structures and economic policies continues rapidly, and if a quick solution is not found for the poor and their dire living conditions, it will not be far-fetched to expect to hear news of torture and domestic violence similar to Azam's due to addiction, poverty, and mental illnesses.' Almost all newspapers did not publish news about the surgery of Omid Kokabi, but the newspaper 'Etemad' is among those that briefly wrote: 'Omid Kokabi, a physicist and political prisoner, was hospitalized and underwent surgery on Thursday.' This newspaper quoted Ali Malihi, a journalist who met with this political prisoner in the hospital, stating: 'Omid Kokabi's illness dates back four years, and during his surgery two days ago, one of his kidneys was removed.' Etemad recalled that a few days ago, Omid Kokabi's lawyer had stated about his client's condition: 'Unfortunately, after multiple tests and examinations in the hospital, his kidney issue was diagnosed as kidney cancer due to the presence of a malignant tumor in his right kidney.' The newspaper Etemad, which has been published with a 'new layout' since Saturday, also reported on its front page about 'Rouhani's reaction to the invisible police,' quoting him as saying: 'Every morning someone sets a regulation and a framework; one wants to control the private lives of people, another wants to control their public lives; do you have the right?' According to this newspaper, Hassan Rouhani stated in a government meeting on Wednesday: 'The freedom of the people is not limited except by law. Nothing else can limit the freedom of the people; the government cannot, the judiciary cannot; only a law, if its stages are approved and communicated, can set a framework. Apart from the law, we have no right to interfere in people's lives, their private lives, and their public lives.' Zahra Choupankareh, in a report for Etemad, noted that the commanders of the police forces have announced that the activities of the invisible patrols will expand throughout the country, stating that 'the Minister of Interior has not personally commented on this plan,' but the security and police deputy of Tehran's governor said that 'the governor of Tehran, as the custodian of social and security affairs responsible for security in the province, is not aware of the dimensions and components of this plan.' The report quoted parts of statements made by Hossein Sajjadi Nia in a television program, stating that the undercover officers are from Tehran's police staff who 'report during their rest, going home, and at parties.' This newspaper inferred that 'the cost of this plan includes overtime for 7,000 undercover forces employed by the police,' and by calculating the minimum overtime pay, it wrote that just one hour of overtime for these forces in a month 'costs 615 million and 888 thousand tomans.' The newspaper 'Shargh' also reported on its front page, quoting the President of the Islamic Republic, stating: 'The freedom of the people is not limited except by law,' and emphasized that 'these words could be seen as the most serious criticism of the moral security plan,' as Rouhani's reference to 'the covert control of people' is a hint at the 'moral patrols.' Shargh also simultaneously referred to the support of Friday prayer leaders in Tehran and Mashhad for the 'invisible patrols,' quoting Mohammad Ali Mohammadi Kermani, the Friday prayer leader of Tehran, stating: 'I advise the careless individuals to know that all your vile actions are under the watch of the secret police and will be dealt with in the most appropriate manner.' Mohammad Saleh Nikbakht, a lawyer and legal expert, in a note titled 'Undercover Patrols by Which Law' in the newspaper 'Hamdel' wrote: 'The formation of such a force without authorization is against the constitution, as every action taken in the country must be based on the text of the law and legal authorization from the Islamic Consultative Assembly.' Mohammad Taghi Fazel Meybodi, a university professor and reformist cleric, also noted in a piece in 'Hamdel' that 'no one can be guided by instilling fear,' stating: 'The very idea of controlling individuals in society by 7,000 undercover forces is against the constitution, Sharia, and any other logic. Regardless of the large budgets allocated for this purpose, the very act is problematic. If humans are to be guided in an ethical direction, none of these secret forces and their fear can be effective in their guidance.' Hoshyar Rostami, in the editorial of the newspaper 'Teadoll,' titled 'Obstruction to the JCPOA Locomotive,' discussed the compensation to 241 families of Americans in the lawsuit filed by the families of American forces killed in the 1983 Beirut bombing, stating: 'Although this case is related to the 1990s and is not new, it provoked a strong reaction from responsible officials in Iran,' and 'given the current conditions, Iran's relationship with the United States will face another harm.' This newspaper emphasized that 'the exchange of prisoners by both sides just a few days after the implementation of the JCPOA was a good catalyst for solidifying the nuclear agreement; the recent decision could have a reverse effect,' stating: 'To defend the JCPOA, domestic concerns must be monitored, and externally, all capacities must be employed so that various layers of American policymaking cannot easily make a decision that poses a serious obstacle to the continuation of the JCPOA.' Newspapers close to the principlists, including 'Kayhan,' 'Javan,' 'Vatan-e-Emruz,' 'Siasat-e-Rooz,' and 'Hemayat,' have targeted the Supreme Court ruling regarding the 'JCPOA' and the 'Eleventh Government,' especially Hassan Rouhani, in their Saturday editions. The newspaper 'Kayhan,' referring to Hassan Rouhani's recent statement: 'Look at how many openings the JCPOA has created in just three months,' sarcastically wrote in one of its main headlines: 'The latest opening of the JCPOA! Seizure of $2 billion of Iran's assets.' In its editorial titled 'Iran in the Nineteenth Century?!' this newspaper wrote: 'It seems that the miscalculations that the Supreme Leader was worried about have manifested openly in some officials of the country. Those who insisted that if the JCPOA was not signed, the country would not even be able to export a barrel of oil. Those who believe that the sanctions of the hegemonic system have returned Iran to the nineteenth century.' The editorial writer of Kayhan emphasized that 'these gentlemen have spent all the winning cards in their possession, and now in this transaction and equation for advancing negotiations, some whispers about trading on missile and defense issues are being heard,' writing: 'What kind of trade is it that the more we pay, the less we gain? The win-win trade has turned into 'absolute loss.' The newspaper 'Javan,' close to the Revolutionary Guards, also wrote in a note titled 'Escalating Threats and the Void of National Zeal and Religious Zeal' that 'the Supreme Court ruling' and the statements of 'Barack Obama and other American officials in support of the reactionaries in the region' not only aim to strip Iran of initiative in regional developments but also 'contain negative messages against Iran's national security interests in the Persian Gulf, which unfortunately has not been met with a proper response from Iranian officials.' Abbas Haji Najari, a columnist for Javan, emphasized that 'historical experience of regional developments shows that enemies of the revolution always take a step forward whenever they feel weakness in Iran,' stating: 'Prioritizing the JCPOA has caused us to overlook the escalating threats in the region.' The newspaper Javan wrote: 'There should be no doubt that if there is a place where national zeal and religious zeal should be stirred, it is here; the continued silence regarding this trend has not only emboldened the enemies but has also questioned the dignity and honor of the past revolution, reaching a point where the JCPOAs 3, 2, and so on are reflected not only by foreigners but also by some domestic newspapers and passive activists, facilitating the ground for submission.' The newspaper 'Farhikhtegan' has a report about 'the overturning of a bus carrying 50 16-year-old students on the Zaveh-Torbat Heydarieh road,' stating that this incident occurred during a pilgrimage trip of female students from Shahrekord, resulting in 'a 17-year-old girl and a 36-year-old supervisor of the students becoming victims of the bus's high speed on the curve of the Ramsak road.' The supervisor of the ICU section of a hospital in Torbat Heydarieh told Farnaz Nobari, a reporter for Farhikhtegan, that three of the students 'are in critical condition and need surgery.' The newspaper 'Jahan San'at' reported on 'the cut of the quota for 100,000 heavy vehicles' and described it as part of 'the government's special measures to prevent fuel smuggling.' According to this newspaper, one year after the implementation of 'the fuel allocation based on mileage' and the rationing of diesel for 700,000 diesel vehicles, which led to a 15.5 percent reduction in diesel consumption, Abbas Kazemi, the CEO of the National Iranian Oil Refining and Distribution Company, stated that 'the fuel quota for uninsured diesel vehicles will be cut from the beginning of June,' and with the implementation of this plan, the diesel quota for about 100,000 uninsured heavy diesel vehicles will be eliminated.
The Torture of Azam; 'Indifference of Society and Officials to the Increase in Violence'
The article discusses the severe domestic violence case of Azam and her daughters in Iran, highlighting societal and governmental indifference towards increasing violence. It also touches on the broader implications of such incidents on public awareness and response to domestic abuse, as well as the lack of accountability from officials. This situation reflects deep-rooted issues in Iranian society regarding gender-based violence and the need for systemic change.
👥 Key Players
⚡ Actions
📰 What Happened
Azam and her daughters were tortured by her husband, highlighting societal indifference to domestic violence.
- citizens protest Azam, her daughters
- Qanoon criticize society, officials
- Hossein Imani Jorjami comment officials
💡 Why It Matters
📚 Background
The case of Azam underscores the urgent need for societal and governmental action against domestic violence.
📝 Key Evidence
🏷️ Entities Mentioned
Translated from the original and edited for English readers. View original source →
Translation confidence: 85%