The University is Alive

The newspaper Jam-e-Farda dedicated several pages of its Tuesday issue to 'Student Day' with a supplement titled 'The University is Alive,' featuring an article by Alireza Rajaei titled 'The Student Movement is Still a Movement.' In this article, Rajaei states that 'the student movement is unlike any other movement and does not settle for limited demands; even though limited demands are often denied.' He writes: 'This uniqueness arises from the fact that the movement does not represent any group or class directly, yet it articulates the demands of every other movement and action. This complex dialectic turns the movement into a permanent danger that the existing order continuously and inevitably thinks of ways to contain.' The foundation of the student movement is based on changing and transforming the political life, not on requesting limited demands; however, limited demands are the bricks of the gradual construction of a building that results from a fundamental transformation of political life. Therefore, the student movement aligns with all other social movements and defends their demands, which is a characteristic that uniquely transforms the student movement into a form of revolutionary movement, even if the components and elements of the movement are not aware of this revolutionary condition.' The article mentions that the student movement, despite being 'not of the type of revolutionary movements with a specific ideological header that merely seeks to establish a different type of government and has a limited vision, is instead based on the dynamism of a real transformation.' The writer emphasizes that 'the student movement is still alive in Iran and continues to exist, remaining one of the fundamental prerequisites for transformation. The history of this transformation will be continuous, and we are unaware of the details except for a vision, but it is within that vision that we still see the student movement as a 'movement' amidst inevitable challenges.' The newspaper Javan, close to the Revolutionary Guards, published a photo of Ali Abdullah Saleh's body after his death on its front page, describing it as 'the end of the betrayal of the small Saddam.' This newspaper wrote: 'On Tuesday morning, Ansar Allah managed to push back Ali Abdullah Saleh's supporters from a large part of Sana'a after a five-day urban battle and then exploded Saleh's house in Sana'a.' However, 'apparently Saleh had escaped from his house before the explosion but was killed an hour later while fleeing from Sana'a in a vehicle, along with his deputy Aref Zuka and Yasser Al-Awadi, the Secretary-General of the General People's Congress.' According to Javan, Abdul-Malik Badreddin al-Houthi, the leader of the Ansar Allah movement, stated regarding Saleh's death: 'Today is an exceptional and great day, as it marks the fall and destruction of the conspiracy.' Kayhan introduced Ali Abdullah Saleh as 'the UAE and Saudi pawn' on its front page, writing that with the death of the former president of Yemen, 'the Sana'a sedition has failed.' This newspaper, published under the supervision of the Supreme Leader's representative, emphasized that Saleh's forces had recently initiated a new sedition in Yemen, which 'caused an unusual excitement among the Saudis.' It wrote: 'However, this action by Ali Abdullah Saleh was interpreted as treason by the revolutionaries in Yemen, as Saleh had declared for three years that he would remain alongside the revolutionary forces, but ultimately this betrayal cost him his life.' Kayhan also reported that 'Ansar Allah' in Yemen 'will soon publish documents linking Saleh to the UAE and Saudi Arabia,' indicating that Saleh had continued to act as a Saudi pawn in Yemen during these three years. The government-aligned newspaper Iran reported on Saleh's death with the headline 'The End of the Complex Arab Politician,' stating: 'Following Saleh's death, the people of Yemen expressed satisfaction with his death, happy about the thwarting of the aggressors' conspiracy to create internal sedition in this country.' This newspaper also published an article titled 'Saleh's Death and the End of the Yemen Sedition' by Hassan Hani Zadeh, whom it introduced as a 'Middle East expert,' stating: 'The assassination of Ali Abdullah Saleh, the former dictator of Yemen and leader of the General People's Congress, will end the recent internal sedition in Yemen and create greater cohesion among the revolutionary forces and the national unity government of Sana'a to confront the aggressions of Saudi Arabia.' The newspaper Iran also wrote: 'Ali Abdullah Saleh intended to stage a coup against Ansar Allah by inciting social unrest and using his allies in the army, national security forces, and police, to place his son Ahmad at the helm of power. However, with the vigilance of Ansar Allah, Saleh's internal sedition and Saudi Arabia's attempt to eliminate Ansar Allah from the political and military scenes of Yemen failed.' The newspaper Bahar raised the question 'Who is the loser of Saleh's assassination?' examining the consequences of the former president's death on the political equations of this country, stating: 'The news of Ali Abdullah Saleh's assassination by his recent allies, the Ansar Allah group (Houthis), has caused a new shock in the developments of the Yemen crisis.' This newspaper emphasized that 'the execution-style killing of Ali Abdullah Saleh, at first glance, seems like a success for the Houthi forces, but with a little reflection, it can be understood that the Houthis are actually the big losers of Saleh's death.' It noted: 'The convergence between Saleh's forces and the Houthis had increased the Yemenis' ability to defend against aggression, but in recent days, with a significant increase in tensions between these two groups, we witnessed the collapse of this alliance, which ultimately reached its end with the death of one side's leader on Tuesday.' The newspaper Bahar stated that 'the death of Ali Abdullah Saleh will naturally not go unanswered,' writing: 'This will lead to an escalation of internal tensions in Yemen and, on the other hand, a decrease in Yemen's ability to defend against foreign aggression.' It noted that 'the Houthis, in addition to the aggression of the Arab coalition led by Saudi Arabia, were also not accepted by the international community,' stating: 'Now, with the death of Ali Abdullah Saleh, Ansar Allah will face a major internal conflict.' The writer of the newspaper Bahar described the Yemen crisis as a 'proxy war or challenge' between Iran and Saudi Arabia, recalling the undeniable closeness between Iran and Ansar Allah in Yemen and noting that Iran's foreign policy solution for this country has been 'Yemeni-Yemeni dialogues,' and with the death of Ali Abdullah Saleh, as one of the parties to this dialogue, this approach has effectively 'fallen into the hands of others,' writing: 'For this reason, another loser of the former president of Yemen's death can be considered Iran.' The newspaper Qanoon reported on its front page titled 'Student Week,' stating: 'This year's Student Day ceremony was held earlier than usual on Tuesday, December 4, due to the holiday at the end of the week.' According to this newspaper, during this ceremony, 'the universities of Allameh Tabatabai, Tarbiat Modares, and Rajaei in Tehran, the University of Medical Sciences in Urmia, Zanjan and Qom, and the University of Kurdistan hosted reformist figures, while the universities of Ahvaz, Shiraz, Qazvin, and (Azad University) Tehran South hosted conservatives, where, as in previous years, there were many conflicting views among the political figures who spoke on this day.' The newspaper Etemad also reported under the title 'The Hot Fever of Student Day in Universities' that on Tuesday, the Student Day ceremony at the Faculty of Management of Allameh Tabatabai University in Tehran was held under the title 'Three Drops of Blood' with the presence of Ali Motahari, Javad Imam, a member of the Central Council of the Assembly of the Reformist Combatants, and Alireza Beheshti. According to this newspaper, Ali Motahari stated at this ceremony: 'The importance of the student movement lies in the fact that the university and the student are one of the watchdogs of society that must sound the alarm in time.' The newspaper Etemad noted that 'at the end of Ali Motahari's speech, one of the students asked about the house arrest and the reason for the lack of a trial for Ahmadinejad,' to which this member of parliament replied: 'We have no such thing as house arrest; it is unconstitutional, and if it has occurred in the past, it is also a violation. Judgments by the Supreme National Security Council are also incorrect. The Supreme National Security Council can issue a directive in emergency and initial conditions. This issue can be considered a temporary matter, but when the excitement subsides, the continuation of house arrest is not with the Supreme National Security Council, and the Supreme National Security Council cannot issue judgments and punishments for individuals. This is the responsibility of the judiciary to condemn or release these individuals. If they want to be punished, it must be in a competent court.' According to this newspaper, Ali Motahari stated that 'currently we are witnessing a softness among the country's officials regarding the issue of house arrest,' saying that 'the decision is to resolve this issue. This has also been discussed in our meetings, and there is a will to resolve the matter. Mr. Karroubi has had three meetings so far, and gradually the atmosphere is opening up for the house arrest to end.' The newspaper Shargh also published a report under the title 'Whose 16 Azar Belongs to?' about '16 Azar Street,' stating: '16 Azar Street is a 750-meter-long street in central Tehran that takes about 10 minutes to walk to its end; it is a gently sloping stream from north to south where employees, students, professors, shopkeepers, taxi drivers, passersby, and workers move in a calm hustle and bustle until they flow into a roaring river called Enqelab Street at its end.' The author of this report, Shirin Karimi, emphasized that '16 Azar Street is one of the most central, important, and strategic spaces in Tehran. By understanding the past and current owners of this street, one can understand to whom a public space truly belongs and which groups have tried and continue to try to dominate the university space.' The newspaper East also mentioned that 'between 1358-1360, Building No. 38 on this street belonged to the Tudeh Party; from Farvardin 1358, Tudeh officers, along with a person named Ali Khavari, opened the Tudeh Party's public office on 16 Azar Street, opposite the Faculty of Engineering of Tehran University; however, after the dissolution of the Tudeh Party, this building belonged to the Baisat Publishing House, and another building on this street, which until the late 80s belonged to the Seraat Publishing Office and the Ma’aref and Research Institute, which was run by the publisher of Abdolkarim Soroush's works, was sold to Tehran University after several attacks on the Seraat Institute and is now completely demolished and turned into a parking lot.' This newspaper also wrote that 'seven entrances and exits of Tehran University are located on 16 Azar Street; currently, only two of them are open for students to enter and exit, and according to several students and shopkeepers on the street, after the events of recent years, the entrance door of the Faculty of Engineering was closed and never reopened.' East also quoted shopkeepers on 16 Azar Street as saying: 'There is a law for the security of places; if we work after midnight, they will seal the shop. On Fridays, the street is closed for Friday prayers until two in the afternoon, and we are not allowed to do business. Students also do not have money to be our regular customers.' This newspaper wrote: 'On this 16 Azar Street in Tehran, a type of policing power dominates, which, interestingly, is linked to the emergence of specific knowledge institutions, such as universities and the formation of human sciences, just as after the revolution the name of the street changed; after the cultural revolution, the appearance and relations of this street also changed; alongside the selection of professors, student selection, the Islamization of the university atmosphere, and changes in university curricula, the selection of space and place was also added, and the spatial composition is carried out by political currents.' The newspaper Shahrvand reported on a new solution from the head of the Environmental Protection Organization, stating that the government's debt of 1800 billion tomans to the Urmia Lake Revival Headquarters prompted the head of the Environmental Protection Organization to speak of foreign borrowing to save this lake. Eisa Kalantari, head of the Environmental Protection Organization and head of the Urmia Lake Revival Headquarters, emphasized that 'Urmia Lake cannot be revived with annual budgets; we must borrow from abroad.' He announced the government's debt to the Urmia Lake Revival Headquarters as 1800 billion tomans and said: 'We must convince the President, the First Vice President, and the head of the Budget and Planning Organization that Urmia Lake is so important that if the country currently lacks money, a loan should be obtained from abroad for its revival.' The newspaper Vatan-e-Emruz reported on the reaction of the office of Nasser Makarem Shirazi to the statements of Mahmoud Sadeghi, a member of parliament, regarding the relations of Saman Model, one of the major bank debtors, to this religious authority based in Qom, quoting a statement from Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi's office: 'If Mahmoud Sadeghi does not apologize, he will be prosecuted to be disciplined.' This newspaper wrote: 'Last week, Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi criticized the government, calling for the executive management of the country to pay attention to the issue of livelihood and urged the officials to think of measures to improve livelihoods instead of addressing side issues like the entry of women into stadiums.'