Turkey: A Limbo of Democracy

On the eve of the 93rd anniversary of the establishment of the republican system in Turkey, coinciding with October 29, the attack on the official organ of the Republican People's Party, known as Cumhuriyet newspaper, by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has sparked new political and social crises in Turkey. This incident occurs amid international criticism, with Martin Schulz, the President of the European Parliament, accusing the Turkish government of ignoring the red lines of democracy. Angela Merkel also stated on Wednesday, November 2, that Turkey's current behaviors are inconsistent with its goal of joining the European community. Meanwhile, Binali Yıldırım, in response to the international community, explicitly stated, "You (Europe) do not have the right to set red lines for us. We draw another line over your line ourselves!" What is truly happening in Turkey? Turkey had previously sought to align itself with European norms. What has changed that it is now moving towards anti-democratic measures? It should first be noted that condemning Cumhuriyet newspaper, the official organ of the Republican People's Party and a legacy of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and accusing it of supporting the Gülen movement, cannot be a simple or temporary issue. Although the accusations against the writers and editor of the newspaper involve ties to the Gülen movement and terrorism, such accusations have become normalized against Erdoğan's opponents following the events of the July 15 coup attempt and the onset of a state of emergency in Turkey. The arrest of Hikmet Çetin Kaya, who had warned against the Gülen movement in his articles for Cumhuriyet for years and had previously reported on conspiracies against the military and the Ergenekon and Balyoz cases, is itself surprising. More astonishing is that this same newspaper was previously deemed to insult Gülen as a disruptor of society and a starter of civil unrest, and now it faces accusations of ties to the Gülen movement again. It is worth noting that on Thursday, October 3, Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Mehmet Şimşek admitted in parliament, in response to questions from CHP representative Lütfi Türkkan regarding the prosecutor of the Cumhuriyet case, that Murat İnam, the current prosecutor, is implicated in the fabrication of the "Salam Tohid" case, and clearly stated that this case is still open in the 16th Istanbul Prosecutor's Office and he has not been acquitted of the charges. Previously, Numan Kurtulmuş, the government spokesman, expressed that the lawsuit against Cumhuriyet is more legal than real. Legal experts believe that the claims made by the ministers of the Justice and Development Cabinet are made in a context that undermines the credibility of the accusations against Cumhuriyet. Because: 1) If the lawsuit against the newspaper is legal, why should its staff be arrested? 2) How can a prosecutor who is still under suspicion of the charges manage the case against Cumhuriyet? Given all these circumstances, it seems that the Turkish government, after the court ruling against Cumhuriyet, will appoint a guardian similar to other written and visual media and will manage it in line with its own interests. To date, more than 170 publications, radio stations, and television channels have been shut down in Turkey following the July 15 incident, and over 150 journalists are imprisoned. Legal experts believe that the claims made by the ministers of the Justice and Development Cabinet are made in a context that undermines the credibility of the accusations against Cumhuriyet. Because: 1) If the lawsuit against the newspaper is legal, why should its staff be arrested? 2) How can a prosecutor who is still under suspicion of the charges manage the case against Cumhuriyet? It is evident that freedom of expression is one of the fundamental indicators of a democratic society... The publication of news, articles, and references to sensitive points that can awaken society from complacency and simultaneously make the authorities aware of their erroneous course is one of the primary responsibilities of the media. Otherwise, the continuation of a harmless press that is entirely in favor of the political system will lead to the lethargy and passivity of that society, which will result in nothing but the dominance of an authoritarian regime. The European Court of Human Rights noted in its 1976 decision that "freedom of the press is one of the distinguishing features that can separate a democratic system from a totalitarian one." What is clear is that the government arising from the Justice and Development Party in Turkey has acted under the pretense of Islamism, and most of the regime's actions should be traced back to its Islamist political ideology. The Justice and Development Party, during its thirteen years of power and the changes it has brought about in various sectors of society, expected to maintain its absolute power until the end of the centenary of the republic and the conclusion of a century of the fall of the Ottoman Empire, with the idea of neo-Ottomanism by 2023. However, the June 2015 elections and the unexpected drop in public votes in these elections forced it to form a coalition government, entering into a political struggle with the opposition and all allied and like-minded institutions. In fact, it can be acknowledged that the recent elections were a phase where the Justice and Development Party, led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, became aware of the limits of national resistance and is determined to eliminate the newly created boundaries. Even if society, for various reasons, adheres to party origins or state authority, their obedience will not be heartfelt. The Erdoğan government, understanding this reality, is constantly worried about the emergence of problems that will arise from societal dissonance and non-cooperation. Therefore, finding a final solution is a priority issue. For this purpose, utilizing social conditions and creating anxiety over the lack of security and the rise of terrorism in society can be a tool for the government to control social systems. The first boundary intended to counter the Justice and Development system was the persistent resistance of Turkish society against the Islamist political system and the culture of assimilation stemming from it. In a modern capitalist society, forcing all people within the framework of its party laws and ideology, especially in a country like Turkey that adheres to a secular republic, is a challenging task. Even if society, for various reasons, adheres to party origins or state authority, their obedience will not be heartfelt. The Erdoğan government, understanding this reality, is constantly worried about the emergence of problems that will arise from societal dissonance and non-cooperation. Therefore, finding a final solution is a priority issue. For this purpose, utilizing social conditions and creating anxiety over the lack of security and the rise of terrorism in society can be a tool for the government to control social systems. The second boundary was felt when the opposition opposed the change of the political system from parliamentary to presidential. Naturally, Turkey's capitalist system has been able to govern under the parliamentary system for years. In such conditions, all citizens of Turkey have been able to enjoy equal rights in terms of personal and financial security without distinction. The Turkish legal system, as the guardian of the pillars of the regime, has been able to defend the regime's pillars. The closure of Cumhuriyet newspaper on the eve of the referendum (early 2017) to change the political system can silence the voices of protests. The third boundary for the Erdoğan government is the existence of protests against its repeatedly failing foreign policies. The Erdoğan political Islamist government seeks to excite the youth and instill a sense of Islamic nationalism in Turkish society by signaling changes in geopolitical geography. Fantasies related to the neo-Ottoman government, reclaiming lost territories, increasing the spirit of annexation, and acquiring areas rich in oil and gas resources for Turkey, as well as claiming leadership over the Sunni community and the Arab world, are among the ideals that the Erdoğan government currently fuels. However, to achieve these ideals and attain such governing power, it needs to possess the necessary capacities. Turkey must have such economic capacity that it can, by any means, attract the agreement and cooperation of other regional and extra-regional countries. It must have the potential to guarantee the economy of such a vast land from the Black Sea to the Horn of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. On the one hand, it needs financial, economic, military, political dynamism, cultural convergence, and civil compatibility. The Justice and Development government, no matter how much it drums its idealism, faces new crises in domestic and foreign policy in equal measure. Therefore, the three constraining boundaries for the Erdoğan government have led it to pressure and suppress dissenting voices and criticisms in difficult conditions. Thus, it is believed that under the current circumstances, the Turkish government, no matter how much it ignores the legal system and blocks the path to democracy, will not achieve political stability, and it can be said that democracy in Turkey is experiencing its limbo state.