Two Tehran Residents Killed by Accidental Police Shooting

The newspaper Javan, close to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, reacted strongly in its Tuesday issue to the announcement of Hassan Khomeini's candidacy, describing it as 'factionalizing the Khomeinis for the imaginary takeover of the Assembly of Experts.' In its editorial, it stated that reformists are trying to 'produce a new Imam emerging from a Western salon to secularize the Islamic Republic and align it with Western living standards.' The newspaper Bahar published a detailed interview with Ali Shakouri Rad, Secretary-General of the Union of Islamic Iran Nation Party, who stated that Hassan Rouhani has likely not achieved any results regarding the 'lifting of house arrest' for Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi, and Zahra Rahnavard, even in confidential discussions. The newspapers Vatan-e Emruz and Shargh published different reports on Akbar Turkman's statements regarding a letter from four ministers to Hassan Rouhani. Vatan-e Emruz, close to the Steadfast Front, quoted Rouhani's senior advisor as saying: 'The four ministers were seeking to benefit without effort.' However, Shargh dedicated its front page to an interview with Akbar Turkman, who denied attributing 'benefit-seeking and rent-seeking' to the four ministers. The newspaper Iran reported on Tuesday about 'the killing of two Tehran citizens by an accidental police shooting,' stating: 'Six police officers who traveled from Sabzevar to Tehran to arrest fleeing murderers mistakenly targeted two men, resulting in their deaths.' The newspaper Kayhan, in its Tuesday editorial titled 'Where the Government is Struck,' wrote: 'The government is in a contradictory position. It should primarily be the center for safeguarding national interests and the frontline of defense, while also being considered one of the main centers of vulnerability and infiltration.' This newspaper noted that 'the government has suffered numerous damages and errors in terms of political-intellectual independence, analytical-approach, interaction with friends and foes, and its overall judgment about itself and others. These damages and infiltrations must be addressed, whether through the efforts of the faithful and zealous members of the government or through the demands of experts and elites who have revolutionary or even merely national concerns.' Kayhan emphasized that 'if the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic are based on the continuous mobilization of forces and capacities, the priority of national mobilization is to close these cultural, political, managerial, economic, and security gaps.' The newspaper Arman reported that on Tuesday, the head of the General Inspection Organization announced another embezzlement case occurring in Karaj. This newspaper simultaneously reported, citing Mohammad Parizi, Deputy for Banking and Insurance Affairs at the Ministry of Economy, about the discovery of a plan for 'embezzlement' from the National Bank of Tehran, stating that this embezzlement was 'planned for the night of Tasu'a.' The newspaper Etemad dedicated its front page to 'the nuclear secrets of Hashemi,' reporting that Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, in an interview with the Nuclear Hope website, revealed further dimensions of Iran's nuclear history, stating: 'The Pakistanis provided us with 4,000 second-hand first-generation centrifuges along with some plans' and 'the first enrichment after the war was conducted in Amirabad with the materials we received from Pakistan.' The newspaper Hemayat, affiliated with the Prisons Organization, referred to a 'letter' from the Supreme Leader to Hassan Rouhani, describing it as a conditional endorsement of the JCPOA, stating: 'The conditional endorsement of the JCPOA is definitive.' The newspaper Abrar dedicated its front page to statements by Hossein Ashtari, the commander of the police force, regarding 'police oversight of cyberspace, Telegram, and election security,' quoting him as saying: 'The police force, whether in cyber police or other sections, will confront those who intend to divert the elections from their path if necessary.' The reaction of the newspaper Javan to the potential candidacy of Hassan Khomeini was titled 'Producing a New Imam from a Western Salon.' The newspaper Javan, close to the IRGC, reacted strongly in its Tuesday issue to the announcement of Hassan Khomeini's candidacy, describing it as 'factionalizing the Khomeinis for the imaginary takeover of the Assembly of Experts.' It stated that reformists are trying to 'produce a new Imam emerging from a Western salon to secularize the Islamic Republic and align it with Western living standards.' This newspaper reviewed the news published in the weekly Seda and the newspapers Shargh and Arman regarding the potential candidacy of Hassan Khomeini, the grandson of Ayatollah Khomeini, in the upcoming Assembly of Experts elections, stating: 'According to a structured and guided plan, factionalizing and consequently infiltrating marked elements into the most important decision-making assembly of the country could even lead to changes in many of the structures of the system and the essence and nature of the revolution.' This goal 'can be more easily achieved by instrumentally using some affiliates of the Imam's household, especially in a situation where society does not have a favorable perception of the leaders and associates of the reformist faction.' The newspaper Javan emphasized that 'the appropriation of the Imam's household and the encouragement and incitement of some of the Imam's descendants to run in the upcoming elections under the reformist brand is a topic that is consistently pursued by the chain newspapers.' It noted: 'The first time a newspaper referred to Seyyed Hassan Khomeini as 'the young Khomeini' was the newspaper Shargh, which on Sunday, July 6, 2009, highlighted the headline 'The livelihood of the people is the concern of the young Khomeini,' while the front page headlines of most newspapers that day were about the Supreme Leader's remarks during a meeting with a group of people from Bushehr.' Simultaneously, Abdollah Ghanji, the editor-in-chief of the newspaper Javan, in an editorial titled 'What do they want from the young Khomeini?' wrote: 'In recent months, especially in recent days, the question of whether or not Hojjatoleslam Seyyed Hassan Khomeini will enter the Assembly of Experts elections has gained a space in reformist media that goes beyond the JCPOA and post-JCPOA issues and regional matters, particularly the main concern of the people, which is livelihood, to the extent that breathing, sitting upright, smiling, nodding, saying 'God willing,' etc., from him has become the headline of some media.' He added: 'Moreover, they attempt to interpret any sentence issued by Seyyed Hassan in relation to the issues of the country and in a way position him against the system and the forces of the Islamic Revolution.' The editorial writer of the newspaper close to the IRGC, quoting sentences from articles or speeches of figures such as Hamid Reza Jalai Pour, Emadeddin Baghi, and Saeed Hajarian, wrote that reformists 'have proposed governmental models in opposition to Imam's model of governance, namely the Islamic Republic,' and for 'republicanism, constitutionalism, democracy, and dual sovereignty, they have written books and have worked to implement them through parliamentary methods and social movements.' Now, they ask, 'What do they want from Seyyed Hassan?' The newspaper Javan emphasized that 'to answer this question, there are various dimensions that if Seyyed Hassan Khomeini wants to be honored in the context of the Islamic Revolution, he cannot ignore.' It stated that reformists 'are seeking to interpret the Imam through a Khomeini so that the birth of this interpretation does not lead to a cry and reduces the Imam's ideals at best to development, welfare, interaction, and Western republicanism, merely settling for the Islamic suffix.' The newspaper stated that reformists, who 'after 18 years of effort could not miraculously introduce the Imam as a purely republican figure, are now trying to use the young Khomeini as a shield for their grudges against the system and the Imam, and to set him as a trap for creating new sedition and deviation, and by producing a new Imam emerging from a Western salon, to secularize the Islamic Republic and align it with Western living standards.' The editorial writer of the newspaper Javan concluded by posing the question, 'Suppose Seyyed Hassan Khomeini enters the electoral arena and is elected to the Assembly of Experts, what should he do there?' He wrote: 'Probably, these people will consider several published photos of him with the seditionists after the elections as their justification, hoping that Seyyed Hassan, by aligning himself with the Imam, will correct this mindset and disappoint the secularists.' Ali Shakouri Rad: Rouhani has not achieved any results in confidential discussions for 'lifting house arrest.' The newspaper Bahar published a detailed interview with Ali Shakouri Rad, Secretary-General of the Union of Islamic Iran Nation Party, who stated that Hassan Rouhani has likely not achieved any results regarding the 'lifting of house arrest' for Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi, and Zahra Rahnavard, even in confidential discussions. Ali Shakouri Rad emphasized that Rouhani should 'become a mediator for national dialogue,' stating: 'Such dialogues have not been possible between the core of power holders in our country and the critical forces, which is why you see domestic political issues as unsolvable and see no prospect for agreement on them.' He added, 'Mr. Rouhani, just as he demonstrated his skill in advancing international negotiations, should be able to demonstrate his skill in shaping negotiations within the country and among political factions, different parties, and political figures.' According to the newspaper Bahar, Ali Shakouri Rad also stated: 'In the process of lifting house arrest, it seems that Mr. Rouhani, despite representing part of the critics, has not achieved any results even in confidential discussions, as there is no decisive resolution in the discussions. While challenges and tensions may temporarily decrease or conditions may slightly improve, it is not conclusive, and consequently, issues remain unresolved, and critics remain dissatisfied, which is not right at all.' The Secretary-General of the Union of Islamic Iran Nation Party implicitly criticized Rouhani, stating: 'Although this is a positive action, it is not necessarily sustainable. As seen in the recent challenge between Mr. Rouhani and the Guardian Council regarding the issue of oversight and the matter of qualifications, which was also media-related, there was no decisive resolution in the discussions. We must note that this type of resolution goes beyond the process of dialogue and does not necessarily solve issues but rather leaves them unaddressed.' This reformist figure also pointed to the unequal position in the dialogue of political factions in the Islamic Republic, stating: 'We have not had good experiences with dialogues within the country. These dialogues have typically occurred after the events of 2009 between political detainees and interrogators inside prisons. Outside of prison, these dialogues have not been possible or formed in a respectful and equal environment.' The Secretary-General of the Union of Islamic Iran Nation Party discussed the relationship between reformists and Mir Hossein Mousavi during the 2009 elections and the subsequent protests, stating: 'Mr. Mousavi had his own process, and we viewed Mr. Mousavi's position as an intermediary between ourselves and the existing system. That is, Mr. Mousavi entered a situation where it seemed his presence could bring the two sides closer together and was considered closer to the system than Mr. Seyyed Mohammad Khatami. Essentially, the reformist camp's support for Mr. Mousavi was an interactive approach, believing that Mr. Mousavi could have more influence and create a closer relationship between the factions. We were not as close to Mr. Mousavi as you might think, to the extent that we helped him in writing programs and slogans; rather, we were more in a supportive role.' Ali Shakouri Rad also commented on the current position of the newly established reformist party and its slogans, stating: 'Our slogan is the balanced and consistent implementation of the Constitution; that is, if no principle is overlooked and actions are based on the law, many of our issues will be resolved. We have no problem with the pillars of the system or even with individuals in the system; we have problems with performances and state that they are not in accordance with the Constitution as a whole; for example, the Guardian Council interprets one principle of the Constitution in such a way that it cannot convince anyone, to the extent that one constitutional principle overrides all other principles and renders the rest ineffective. We should not do this. We must apply a logic that is conventionally acceptable and recognized.' According to the newspaper Bahar, Ali Shakouri Rad emphasized that 'in 2009, we witnessed the least transparency in the election process, which led to deep misunderstandings,' stating: 'We are not only not pleased with the conditions of 2009, but we are very dissatisfied. Those conditions were imposed on us. What we did at that time was to try to connect with the people.' However, 'I think if we could have formed more dialogues and interactions with power holders before 2009, the conditions of that year would not have arisen. That is why we have adopted a collaborative approach today, even with those who seem to be completely unwilling to engage.' Senior advisor to Rouhani: No one dislikes free money.