The newspaper Etemad reported on Saturday, January 6, about the widespread detention of students, stating: "More than a week has passed since the protests began. Among the statistics announced by provincial governors and prosecutors, the number of detained students is significant. Students who, according to unofficial news, were present in places other than the recent gatherings at the time of their arrest, and some believe that several arrests did not occur during the protests." According to this newspaper, several students from Tehran University and Allameh Tabatabai University were arrested on Friday, and "reactions to the detention of students and schoolchildren continue, with some government officials and members of parliament trying to secure the release of the detainees before the start of exams." Etemad recalled that "previously, Hossein Zolfaqari, the Deputy Security Minister, announced that over 90% of the detainees are under 25 years old, and the head of the Central Province Judiciary stated that students or young individuals who participated in the protests in Arak, some of whom caused damage to public or state property, are considered minors under 18 years old, but according to the law, anyone who commits a crime will be arrested and prosecuted." The newspaper Jahan San'at, in a report titled "Uncertain Fate" of detained students, wrote: "The widespread arrests among students following the recent unrest in the country indicate that Rouhani's presence and his government have not changed the closed atmosphere of society despite all the sweet promises. However, there are conflicting reports about the detained students. Even officials from the Ministry of Science are unaware of the number of recent detainees. Since these arrests were carried out by the Ministry of Intelligence of Rouhani's government, the most surprising issue is that the Ministry of Science has not been able or perhaps has not wanted to obtain statistics on the arrests from the Ministry of Intelligence." This newspaper emphasized that the focus of the arrests is not limited to Tehran University, and students from various universities across the country, including Isfahan, Hamadan, Kermanshah, Arak, Khorramabad, Bandar Abbas, Qazvin, and other cities have also been detained." Meanwhile, Gholamreza Ghafari, the cultural and social deputy of the Minister of Science, stated in an interview with the media last Tuesday that "only Tehran University was involved in a series of protests by students, and the students had demands and raised points in their gatherings; however, no specific incident occurred for students inside the university." At the same time, the newspaper Shargh reported on its front page about the actions of the Hope faction of the 10th Parliament for the release of detainees in the nationwide protests, stating: "There are no accurate statistics; some say that a thousand people have been detained in the recent protests in Iran, while others refer to lower numbers. However, what is certain is that in the recent gatherings across the country, students, schoolchildren, and ordinary citizens have been detained." This newspaper noted that "the Minister of Interior stated that a total of 42,000 people participated in the recent protests," adding: "Estimates indicate that at least a thousand people have been detained across the country, including students, schoolchildren, and ordinary citizens. Regarding students, estimates suggest that about 80 to 90 have been detained. The number of detained schoolchildren is also around 40 to 50, most of whom seem to have been released by last night." Shargh pointed out that only in Tehran, "on Saturday of last week, about 200 people were detained, on Sunday 150, and on Monday about 100," and "in Central Province, about 300 people were detained." According to the prosecutor of Pardis County, 25 people were detained in this city, and according to the prosecutor of Kashan, 50 to 60 people were detained, with several protesting citizens detained in the cities of Zanjan, Abhar, Khorramdarreh, Malard, Qom, Ardabil, Karaj, and Kermanshah. This newspaper also reported, citing the political, security, and social deputy of the Golestan governorate, about the detention of 150 people in this city. According to this newspaper, "the Minister of Science stated that some of the detained students were released by late Friday night, although their numbers are unclear," while Gholamreza Heydari, a member of the Hope faction, stated: "We have information that the security of the universities has not been uninvolved in the detention of some students. The Minister of Science should respond to this issue, and if it is true, it is concerning." Shargh also emphasized that "there is no accurate information about the number of detained schoolchildren," and Fatemeh Saidi, a member of the 10th Parliament, stated: "Until Friday evening, I was constantly following up with the Minister of Education regarding the status of the detainees. According to the latest follow-ups and reports, most of the detained schoolchildren have been released. Our follow-up continues, and if any cases of detention are reported, it is our duty to clarify the situation in this regard." The newspaper Shahrvand, in a report titled "Signatures: Protesters from the 70s and 80s," examined "the reasons and behaviors of young people and teenagers who participated in the recent protests in the streets," stating: "In the past week of protests, the issue that has attracted the most attention is more social than political or economic. A protesting generation has emerged. Sociologists are paying attention to their average age and the demands of the participants. Officials say that most of those who came to the streets in recent days are young and teenagers; those who have been referred to for several years with a term: the 70s and 80s generation." Ahmad Bokharaei, a sociologist, told this newspaper: "The government should know that this year is different from 10 years ago: the attitudes, thoughts, and patterns of individuals have changed. For these individuals, the intellectual, cultural, and even economic recommendations that have existed for 40 years need to be reconsidered." This sociologist emphasized that "a significant percentage of the people have serious questions about the ruling power and its strategies," stating: "You cannot eliminate them from the scene and solve these issues with marches organized by people against people because eliminating these individuals or pitting people against each other is the worst situation and will drive protest movements underground; underground movements will become more acute in the future, so the solution is to open the doors and let this latent energy be released; otherwise, it will increase day by day, and these are short-term and periodic." The newspaper Bahar, in a report about "the reaction of reformists to recent events," wrote: "In the recent protests, which incidentally included a significant portion of the forces present in the scene who politically lack identification and do not have a specific organizational base, led to the exposure of the cat-and-mouse game of some reformists with the freedom-seeking and independent spectrum of society, and the artificial curtains of display were cast aside." This newspaper pointed out that "after their not-so-defensible record in the 60s, reformists had a significant impact in the political and social arena of the country in the 70s, especially among the social masses and the youth of that era, with undeniable agency, as evidenced by the electoral movement of 1997 and the protest and critical movement of 1999." However, during the nationwide protests of January 2018, "some reformists were not present in the streets nor among the not-so-numerous participants in the popular protests, but in the public perception of the diverse silent society, they lost the match and probably will not be able to return the water that has flowed away to the stream." According to the newspaper Bahar, "reformists, with a mixture of pretending to embrace the authentic concepts of democracy along with concealing the inherent ideological contradictions with the religious government and, of course, adding a temporary internal, regional, and international security, sought to continue to attract the vast population of Iran, which has endured economic, personal, and social pressures, with the same past tricks," but in these protests, they were defeated by their internal contradictions and the failure to provide a long-term and effective strategy for society over the years." Simultaneously, Mostafa Tajzadeh, a reformist figure, stated in an interview with the newspaper Hamdeli: "There is one way out of this crisis, and that is to minimize the distance between the government and the ruling authority to the lowest possible level. In this regard, the greatest responsibility lies with the ruling authority. The message of this nation must be heard." This reformist political activist stated: "We are a diverse unitary nation, of which 24 million voted for Rouhani, 18 million did not vote, and 16 million voted for Mr. Raisi. In my opinion, all three groups should be seen and present in the media, government, parliament, and everywhere, so that they feel a sense of participation." He added: "Iranians should feel that the government respects them; the nation should feel that the government sees them. The nation should feel that the government is striving to improve their situation." The newspaper Hamdeli, quoting Mostafa Tajzadeh, wrote: "The range of people's slogans during these protests regarding living and economic conditions is not solely directed at the government but goes beyond the government to the overall policies of the ruling authority. The issue is that if some parts of the ruling authority seek to ignore the people's protests or project them elsewhere and do not see the people and the protesters and do not provide a legal solution for their public protests, the people and protesters will unfortunately resort to illegal methods." The government should not move towards creating restrictions. On the contrary, it should start negotiating and recognizing the right to protest, anticipating a place for protesters so that people can legally express their protests in designated centers in various cities and strive to pay serious attention to their demands so that they can also feel a serious sense of calm. Kayhan, quoting Ahmad Khatami, the temporary Friday prayer leader of Tehran, threatened protesting citizens with "severe punishment" and wrote: "We expect the judiciary to deal with the deceived with compassion, mercy, and brotherhood. Those who came with hostility and remain in their position are Americans, and the judiciary should not show mercy to Americans; a punishment should be considered for them that serves as a lesson." The newspaper Javan, close to the Revolutionary Guards, in a note titled "The Enemies' Arrow Hit Stone but the Wounds Remain," warned that "if serious remedies for healing corruption and reforming some policies that have been undeniably ineffective for four decades are not taken, we should expect the re-emergence of these wounds. The bitter part of the story is that the historical achievements of Iranian soldiers in the field of security and regional power will be questioned, and the values of resistance will be less visible." Mohammad Babaei, a writer for the newspaper Javan, suggested that "to heal these wounds, we can use the usual tactic of resistance, which is the principle of turning threats into opportunities," but how? The writer of this newspaper emphasized that "it is enough for the economic wing to become active like the security wing to create a new economic order aligned with the security order," and "the reconstruction process of Syria and Iraq can become an opportunity for the economic growth of resistance-oriented efforts." Alireza Alavitabaar, a figure close to the reformist faction, stated about the nationwide protests to the newspaper Etemad: "We all must take responsibility for these events. We all played a role in discouraging and humiliating the people. For example, the composition of the government, the composition of the Expediency Council, etc., seems to send the message to the people that elections are not a good way." Abbas Salimi-Namin, a figure close to the principlist faction, told the newspaper Etemad: "In the killings that took place, no shots were fired by the police. The police were seriously instructed that in very special circumstances, for example, if the protesters wanted to seize their headquarters, shooting should occur, and no firearms should be used in the protest areas. However, when "some attacked the police headquarters, shooting should have occurred. Everyone knows that in these situations, if you do not resist, weapons fall into the hands of those who endanger the security of the people." The newspaper Etemad also wrote: "These individuals did not know exactly what they wanted. They had no specific leader. Of course, in every gathering, some enter and take advantage. We have a number of people in society who have suffered heavy losses for various reasons, and they release their energy at every opportunity. For example, families who have lost their children in various conflicts. It is unreasonable to expect that the anger of these individuals will subside and that they will act very wisely. Unfortunately, I am not sure that we will do anything to eliminate the underlying causes of this anger." The newspaper Shahrvand dedicated its front page to "the homeless living in canals," reporting on "the nighttime life of addicts and homeless people living on the outskirts of some highways in Tehran," stating: "The highway, at the height of rush hour, is crowded with cars and chaotic. Its noise has become a wind and is twisted over the bridges, on the narrow sidewalks beside the highway, on the canals, under the canals, but behind every shrub and under every bridge, there are groups sitting, their frightened and terrified eyes searching the bodies and faces of strangers. Every stranger they see, they stand up and move in an unknown direction." Zahra Jafarzadeh narrated the lives of the homeless who live in the capital "inside narrow, dark, and cold canals" that are "full of rats and cockroaches" and "give off a stench," writing: "The narrow and long canals are home, a place to sleep and stay overnight. Homeless addicts, the canals whose ceiling...
Uncertain Fate of Detained Students
The recent protests in Iran have led to the widespread detention of students, with conflicting reports on the number of arrests and the involvement of various universities. Government officials are under pressure to address the situation as reactions continue to grow, highlighting the unresolved social tensions in the country. The detentions reflect broader issues of youth discontent and government accountability.
👥 Key Players
⚡ Actions
📰 What Happened
Iranian authorities detained numerous students amid ongoing protests, sparking calls for their release.
- Iranian authorities arrest students, schoolchildren, ordinary citizens
- Hossein Zolfaqari announce detained individuals
- students protest Iranian government
💡 Why It Matters
📚 Background
The Iranian government's crackdown on student protests highlights its authoritarian approach.
📝 Key Evidence
🏷️ Entities Mentioned
Translated from the original and edited for English readers. View original source →
Translation confidence: 85%