What is the Responsibility of Leadership in 'Resistance Economy'?

In a year that the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic has named "Resistance Economy; Action and Practice" in his Nowruz message, what share of responsibility and "action and practice" does Ayatollah Khamenei take on? In the context of production stagnation and its dire consequences, what role will the head of the political system, along with its extensive and powerful economic subordinates that are exempt from taxation, auditing, and effective oversight, play? Will he be willing to play an effective and committed role to improve the economic situation in line with the claims and directives he issues for the moderate government? The evidence does not include a hopeful response. A prominent and recent example is related to the Astan Quds Razavi. Astan Quds Razavi is one of the major economic enterprises operating under Ayatollah Khamenei and is exempt from paying taxes. More than 50 companies and institutions are active under the Astan Quds umbrella; the scope of this economic "giant" includes textiles, food industries, mining, combine manufacturing, automotive, dairy products, sugar factories, oil and gas companies, as well as credit institutions, brokerage firms, livestock farming, and housing construction. This extensive collection, alongside the income from endowments and revenues from Iranian and foreign pilgrims that benefit Astan Quds Razavi and its tourism and pilgrimage subsidiaries, generates astronomical figures that are free from public auditing, oversight, and tax payments. The tax exemption for the companies and economic enterprises under Astan Quds has allowed them to send their products to the competitive market at lower prices without increasing productivity; this is independent of their use of endowment lands or low rents and their access to different banking facilities. As an example of Astan Quds' potential, one can refer to the Razavi Brokerage Company. This company, which is active in petrochemicals, bitumen and petroleum products, industry and mining, and agriculture, traded around 9 trillion rials in securities and participations in 2014. Another example is Astan Quds Razavi's investment of over 5 trillion rials in the Special Economic Zone of Sarakhs; a region that exported over 50,000 tons of goods in just the first nine months of last year. Another significant witness is the Razavi Economic Organization, which manages about 90 companies and employs around 12,000 workers. In half of these companies, Astan Quds holds more than 50% of the shares, and in 44 cases, it holds more than 50% of the shares. But what is the contribution of these companies and Astan Quds Razavi to the "Resistance Economy" that the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic advocates for? The decree for Raisi; a renewed unveiling of the leadership's perspective. Last Esfand, in a decree issued by Ayatollah Khamenei for the new custodian of Astan Quds Razavi (Ebrahim Raisi), the only point he did not mention regarding this economic empire was "Resistance Economy." In his decree, the Supreme Leader described Astan Quds Razavi as a "great cultural capacity," a "unique treasure of Islamic architecture and a vast museum"; however, Ayatollah Khamenei made no mention of the "great economic capacity" of Astan Quds Razavi. His only emphasis in this area was on "organizing the economic and service enterprises of Astan Quds Razavi and their legal discipline." The head of the system did not provide any recommendations to the new custodian (Raisi) to leverage the unique potential of Astan Quds to assist the executive branch and manage the economy on a macro level, stimulate production, and strengthen what he himself describes as "Resistance Economy." Ayatollah Khamenei's emphasis—beyond what has been mentioned—was on "serving the pilgrims of that holy shrine, especially the weak and needy," as well as "serving the neighbors, especially the needy and underprivileged." The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic clearly beats the same drum that is prevalent in the "relief-oriented" approach of another major subordinate, the Imam Relief Committee. There is no news of planning to reduce poverty and unemployment; just as there are no recommendations for strengthening the foundations and opportunities for employment. In the decree issued for Raisi, the custodian of Astan Quds, Ayatollah Khamenei continues to focus on the "poor," rather than on "poverty" and "inequality" and their causes and roots, or providing "equal opportunities" and playing an effective role in productive economy. This all occurs while Astan Quds Razavi is one of the powerful organizations under the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. What are the subordinates of the leadership doing? In his Nowruz speech, Ayatollah Khamenei, referring to the stagnation of production and criticizing the prevailing economic conditions, even mentioned that "about sixty percent of the production capacities of the country are idle." He listed several proposals for "countering sanctions"; his main audience was the Rouhani government. The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic stated that the government's actions are "preliminary work" and "are not sufficient" and "fundamental work must be done." However, Ayatollah Khamenei did not mention his own "responsibility" and the role and level of participation of the major institutions and organizations under his command in fulfilling economic demands. Astan Quds Razavi—mentioned above, along with the 15 Khordad Foundation, Martyrs Foundation, Foundation of the Oppressed, Housing Foundation, Imam Relief Committee, Endowments Organization, Hajj and Pilgrimage Organization, and Islamic Propaganda Organization—are just some of these capable and effective subordinates in Iran's economy. On another level, one should also mention the Police Cooperative Foundation and the Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters of the Revolutionary Guards, as well as their quasi-private companies and financial institutions. The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic speaks of the negative role of imports and how they "harm domestic production"; however, he makes no mention of illegal ports and import corridors controlled by his military-security subordinates; just as he does not speak of their role in destroying the economy and causing production stagnation. Resistance economy with violence and instability? Beyond what has been mentioned, and on another level, Ayatollah Khamenei shows no concern for providing the necessary political-social foundations for economic development—or the success of the "Resistance Economy" he envisions—where the Guardian Council, the IRGC Intelligence Organization, and state media come into play, with their narrow-minded and authoritarian views and behaviors. The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, who could create the conditions and processes for national cohesion and reconciliation, stability, and peace, has shown indifference to the essential elements of development—or the Resistance Economy he envisions—and remains oblivious to the main obstacles to development, namely the cycle of violence and instability. If Ayatollah Khamenei does not nationalize the approach of his economic subordinates, and if he does not increase the level of social participation and hope and create conditions for national reconciliation—especially with the release of the leaders of the Green Movement—nothing will remain of his "Resistance Economy" but whispers in the wind.