Why Do Women Politicians Not Enter Presidential Election Competitions?

The registration period for the twelfth round of the Islamic Republic's presidential elections has ended, with the head of the country's election headquarters announcing that a total of 1,636 individuals registered. According to this report, 137 women and 1,499 men registered for this election. However, among the 137 women who registered, only one was a well-known figure: "Azam Taleghani." Since 1997, when Azam Taleghani stated she would enter the political arena to clarify the status of political figures, nothing has changed; neither has the term 'political figure' been interpreted, nor has Azam Taleghani or any other woman been approved for candidacy. This year, Abbasali Kadkhodai once again poured cold water on all women's hopes, stating that the Guardian Council has not had the opportunity to interpret the term 'political figure.' Nevertheless, from the first day of the election registration, there were women who went to the Ministry of Interior offices to register as presidential candidates, ranging from those with law degrees to retired teachers and housewives. Azam Taleghani has been disqualified in both of her previous registrations, and according to her, the reasons for her disqualification have never been explained. Another woman, Rafat Bayat, has also registered as a presidential candidate and has been disqualified without any reason given. This method of disqualification has resulted in no interpretation of the term 'political figure' existing so far. Meanwhile, the number of female candidates in elections has never reached even a handful. In a conversation with Farnoush Amirshahi, a journalist residing in Prague, and Morteza Kazemian, a political analyst living in France, we asked about the reasons women do not take the initiative to participate in presidential election competitions. Ms. Amirshahi mentioned that Ms. Shahindokht Molaverdi stated that no woman has been disqualified in the Islamic Republic due to not being a political figure. Were the women who have registered in previous years considered political figures? Farnoush Amirshahi: The discussion of 'political figures' is a vague issue that has existed since the beginning of the revolution. The ambiguity regarding political figures is whether it means a political personality or a man of politics. It is a term that appears in Article 115 of the Constitution. According to this constitutional article, the president must be elected from among religious and political figures who meet the following conditions: of Iranian origin, loyal to Iran, capable and prudent, with a good reputation, trustworthy and pious, and a believer in the principles of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the official religion of the country. As far as I remember, several times Ms. Azam Taleghani has come forward and once Ms. Rafat Bayat, and both have been disqualified. However, the reality is that neither Ms. Azam Taleghani nor Ms. Rafat Bayat are considered political-religious figures in Iran. Ms. Azam Taleghani has always remained at the level of a political activist and has never held managerial positions in the country. Ms. Rafat Bayat, as far as I remember, has only one term of parliamentary representation in her background. However, the reality is that in recent years, women have held positions in the government, from the vice presidency to presidential advisors or even managing large economic and oil organizations in the country. Perhaps these individuals could be considered political figures based on their work history and presence in various governments. Why have none of these women come forward? Why does the only female minister in the Islamic Republic deny all rumors about her entering the elections? Especially in the area of active reformist women, we have never heard of anyone, not even as a rumor. Yes, that's true. Many women in politics do not nominate themselves and do not expose themselves to the Guardian Council's decision-making to pressure the Guardian Council to be accountable for its decisions. For example, Ms. Vahid Dashtjardi, who received a very high vote compared to other members of the Central Committee of the Popular Front of Islamic Revolution Forces, has a complete profile to run for president. However, she does not do so because she does not want to put pressure on the system to take a clear position on political figures, which ultimately contradicts the overall structure of the government that comes from a traditional background and does not consider women's management permissible. But Ms. Amirshahi, why have women in Iranian society never wanted a female president? Why has no woman ever been proposed as a presidential candidate by women? There have been instances where women have encouraged participation in politics, especially in parliamentary elections and city and village councils. However, many of these organizations and campaigns have faced significant pressure from the government, some of them have been interrogated, and some have even been arrested, ultimately leading to these campaigns not achieving their goals. However, the point is that in presidential elections, due to the ambiguity surrounding political figures, there is little activity in this area due to this legal ambiguity and the lack of will to clarify this issue regarding women. But Mr. Kazemian, why have neither the principlists nor the reformists ever supported women's participation in presidential elections? Morteza Kazemian: I think unfortunately this problem is not limited to the principlists or the conservative camp or those who had rightist tendencies in the 1980s, so to speak. In the discourse of the left or reformists or transformation-seekers, unfortunately, such a problem has also existed and continues to exist, which has various roots and reasons. One of the most important is the legal prohibition that exists in the Islamic Republic or the definition provided by the Guardian Council for the concept of political figures, which is a significant barrier to women's entry into presidential election competitions. However, Mr. Kazemian, it seems that the lack of any woman being introduced by any of these electoral camps indicates that the men involved in these ideological groups also give weight to the Guardian Council's interpretation regarding women's lack of political figure status. Because it seems that if any of these groups were to introduce and support one or two women as their final candidates, the Guardian Council would have to officially present its interpretation of political figures. I completely agree with you. This is a very important consideration. However, fundamentally, political factions or specifically in the ruling political groups in the country or active in the political system have a higher hand from those men. The majority of the assembly or central council is in the hands of men, and furthermore, unfortunately, there is no demand from either men or women in this area, specifically regarding women's candidacy in presidential elections. If this central demand were raised or if the effort to change the situation were pursued more seriously, and a kind of compliance with the prevailing situation did not occur, perhaps at least this contradiction and serious problem that exists in the Islamic Republic would be more prominently raised. However, both the patriarchal mindset or at least the majority of men in political groups is an obstacle. Moreover, unfortunately, there is no demanding approach or, in other words, political groups do not try to seriously challenge the existing situation. But don't you think, Mr. Kazemian, that if Ms. Vahid Dashtjardi in the principlist camp and for example Ms. Shahindokht Molaverdi in the reformist camp announced that they wanted to enter the presidential election competition, how much would the main men of these two camps support women and stand behind them? Part of the problem relates to the assessment that female members of political groups have regarding the lack of serious support from the organizational base or central council or assembly. And this unfortunately has given them a kind of lack of self-confidence. Moreover, a more important aspect of the issue relates to the fact that even independent women activists in Iran who are active in civil society, including journalists, university professors, or lawyers, or those who have a background in civil activism, consider their candidacy announcement to be equivalent to serious risks. For example, someone like Ms. Marzieh Mortazavi Langaroudi from the national-religious forces, due to a ruling she received from the Revolutionary Court, is essentially unable to enter this field. Or individuals like Ms. Nahid Tosuli, who are university professors and have decades of civil activism experience, have this potential. However, unfortunately, the threats faced by these activists are a significant factor for them to engage in pragmatism and accept that reality.