Parviz Sayyad: If the Revolution Had Not Happened, I Would Have Made 48 Samad Films

On the fortieth anniversary of the February 1979 Revolution, an event that has impacted the lives of Iranians for four decades, we have highlighted the narratives of historical figures or Iranian activists from the years leading up to the revolution and afterward through forty interviews. In another program from this series of interviews, we have approached Parviz Sayyad; a writer, filmmaker, and actor in cinema and theater, currently residing in the United States. Mr. Sayyad, who lives in Los Angeles, was 39 years old in the days leading up to the revolution and had gone to Europe a few months before February 1979 for a film project. Parviz Sayyad is our guest to discuss those days on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the 1979 Revolution. Mr. Sayyad, I would like to start with the days before the revolution, and I know that you left Iran a few weeks before February 22. Why and what happened that made you leave Iran? A few months before February 22, I actually left Iran in the summer of 1979. Because at that time, if you remember, cinematic and theatrical activities, which were always limited, had completely stopped. Film production and even film screenings had encountered problems, which made me pack my bags and go to Europe for a joint film project with a German company that had been postponed. I wanted to take the opportunity to get this project rolling, which never happened. Mr. Sayyad, what was the situation like in those pre-revolution days, and what was the state of your working environment, meaning the filmmakers in general? Yes, if you remember, the first industries that encountered problems and were attacked by opponents were cinema and banks. Banks were targeted to disrupt the economic situation, and cinema was targeted because they thought people should go to the streets and mosques instead of going to the cinema for entertainment and joining the opponents. This was why this only means of entertainment became one of the first targets of the regime's opponents, and cinemas in Tehran began to be set on fire, including some cinemas that closed due to these intentional fires. Our small theater had also been closed for a while. It was a chaotic atmosphere. The situation was so disrupted that job security was gradually felt not only in cinema and theater but also in other fields. Mr. Sayyad, were there people around you in the cinema environment who were fundamentally opposed to the revolution? You rarely encountered such a person who was opposed or at least had the courage to reveal this opposition. I myself was one of the first people who felt alone. I didn't even trust the person I was talking to, fearing they would interpret my words as opposing the revolution and the movement that, according to them, was advancing the country. After all, if at that time you thought you were against the revolution, the first thing they would say was, 'You are a SAVAK agent.' For this reason, I did not encounter anyone who was truly opposed like me or could declare their opposition. Did you think at that time, Mr. Sayyad, that this revolution would fundamentally go in a religious direction? The religious atmosphere was indeed showing itself, but I and my companions often believed that society was moving towards leftist tendencies, and the steering wheel would fall into the hands of leftist friends, and that the long-standing goal of the Tudeh Party was for Iran to move towards the satellites of the former Soviet Union; this was my and my companions' guess. In fact, it somewhat turned out this way. Although the former Soviet Union eventually disappeared, its remnants remained, including the dregs that are now in charge in Iran. Mr. Putin is one of them, who at that time was actually the head of the former KGB and is now the ruler of Russia in Iran. Mr. Sayyad, here I would like to ask you if you could name a song or tune that reminds you of those days so we can play it. Thank you very much for not asking me to sing for you. In fact, I would be very happy! You see, the song I want to choose that reminds me of those days is, of course, songs that I didn't like at all, and I hope you don't play them. The trendy songs of that day have faded away from the streets... I think the friends who made those songs, even if unknowingly and unwillingly, predicted the future. I mean, they predicted forty years later, these days when the sound of the tar and kamancheh has faded, and corpses are carried from street to street. They might have been predicting the future, but it was interpreted that they were describing the society of their time. In any case, if I want to mention a song from that period that you can play and that aligns with my preference, I would prefer street singers, as they were labeled by the so-called intellectuals. Play a song by Mrs. Sousan or Mr. Davood Maqami, play the song 'Bagh-e Sheidaish.' Mr. Sayyad, forty years have passed since the revolution. Do you see any positive points in this revolution or did you see any? It's very interesting; this question was asked of me about thirty years ago when I first went to Europe, in Paris, by the publisher of the magazine Rouzegar-e No. In an interview with me, his last question was whether anything had happened in the ten years that had passed that you think has been beneficial for Iranian society, and my answer was absolutely not. In any case, after forty years, I must give the same answer to your question that I gave at the end of the first decade, which is absolutely, in my opinion, no action that has been beneficial to the Iranian people has occurred within these forty years under the Islamic Republic regime. Every step taken has led our society backward and made our people more confused, homeless, and disorganized than before. Of course, there is always a small exceptional group that will benefit from any situation, whether positive or negative; that goes without saying. What I am saying is a general current that has directed the Iranian nation and where it has led. Mr. Sayyad, before the revolution, you often criticized current issues through the voice of Samad, one of your main comedic characters. Do you think that in 1979, Iran needed a revolution? Because some say there was no need for a revolution in Iran at that time. Count me among this group. I have always thought, and still think, that if we were to be placed under the umbrella of Third World countries or in Middle Eastern countries, if a revolution were to happen, we should have been at the end of the line. We were the last ones who should have revolted. Because compared to our neighbors, in terms of geography, our economic and social situation was better. I myself was among those who, as you mentioned, raised social issues in my work. I cannot say it was criticism, but I had a sensitive expression regarding the issues happening around me. If I were to categorize myself, I would place myself among the reformists of my time. I hope this reformism is not compared with the reformism prevalent today. At that time, reformism was a kind of movement that was both feasible and attainable. Just as the revolutionaries of those last days proposed whatever they wanted collectively or individually, the regime tried to accept or somehow come to terms with the people or with those who wanted reforms or rights they thought had been lost. But today's reformists, as you know, many believe, are a type of continuity. Do not compare this with the reformism I am talking about. However, it can be concluded that Parviz Sayyad is a reformist but not a revolutionary? No, I was not a revolutionary.