Women and their hijabs have been at the forefront of news in Iran for days, with new discussions and debates about Iranian women's hijab and their support or opposition to mandatory hijab frequently emerging on social media. According to women's rights activists, women's opposition to mandatory hijab is not a movement that began in recent months; women have been expressing their dissent against the government's mandated hijab since the years following the revolution. Asieh Amini, a women's rights activist in Norway, discusses the historical context of opposition to mandatory hijab, stating, "After the Islamic Revolution, the revolutionary ideas and ideals that led to the overthrow of the Shah's regime did not include the issue of hijab, and the principle was individual freedom. Therefore, some of those who participated in that revolution fundamentally did not believe in hijab. Leftist groups are a clear example of this. However, what happens after the revolution is that political figures, including leaders like Ayatollah Taleghani and Mr. Ibrahim Yazdi, begin to draw boundaries; these boundaries concern those seeking to establish a stable government under Ayatollah Khomeini, whose opposition to women's rights dates back years before the revolution, to the time when women's voting rights were discussed, and he explicitly expressed his opposition. This may mark the beginning of his serious opposition to the Shah's regime. After the revolution, some politicians stand behind Khomeini and invite women to remain silent, creating a divide between rights and power. For example, figures like Taleghani at that time sided with rights, while those who, in the most optimistic view, sought a stable political order in the new government supported Ayatollah Khomeini." However, in recent weeks, a new wave of opposition to mandatory hijab has emerged. Ordinary women, with simple appearances and conventional attire, have tied their hijabs to sticks and silently protested, but they have not remained silent against accusations from the judiciary, stating that they are protesting based on their own views and beliefs, not following a specific movement or individuals. Hossein Ghazian, a sociologist residing in the U.S., believes that two categories of events regarding opposition to mandatory hijab should be distinguished: "The first category includes intentional events intended to be expressive or demonstrative, such as a girl tying her hijab to a stick and standing on a platform or elevation. This is a form of expression, a declaration of opposition to something that here is the hijab, which may even extend beyond the issue of hijab: the issue of imposition, humiliation, decision-making for a person, tyranny, politics, and the political regime... all of these can be encompassed, depending on the motivations of the activists engaging in such actions, and the second category concerns the audiences who interpret and analyze these actions." Ghazian discusses another category of protesters who, according to him, have a longer history of activism: "When you see that throughout these years, despite all the policies implemented, despite all the costs incurred, despite all the arrests and detentions, the hijab desired by the Islamic Republic is practically sidelined, and the hijab that women, of course, under existing conditions, choose for themselves is on the rise. This indicates that society faces imposed policies from above in a different way in daily life, without necessarily wanting to give these a demonstrative and expressive form. This is a reaction to social acceptance of various forms. If our society were accepting of the type of hijab desired by the Islamic Republic, that hijab would certainly have spread more. The fact that another type of covering is becoming prevalent, practically negating the hijab desired by the Islamic Republic, indicates that people's reactions to this type of covering are more positive. They reward it more than the covering promoted from above." Among the women opposing mandatory covering, there were also some who defended it. However, the number of female opponents was smaller. In the early days after the protests against mandatory hijab peaked, Fatemeh Rakei, a reformist political activist, stated that this protest movement is not serious and expressed regret that women summarize significant and serious issues in the realm of women's rights in terms of appearance and lack of hijab. She, who herself uses a manteau, said that if educated women and girls do not take this issue seriously, it will automatically become neutralized. Mehrdad Darvishpour, a sociologist residing in Sweden, believes that the roots of opposition to the struggle against mandatory hijab lie in the deep penetration of patriarchy in society and states: "The less a person possesses a critical perspective and gender awareness, the less they react to what is law and custom and consider it self-evident. This issue is not just ignorance. Part of it is the internalization of patriarchal values by women themselves. For this group of women, equating women and men means losing an identity they have grown up with for decades, become accustomed to, and internalized." However, opposition to the struggle against mandatory hijab was not limited to political figures; some cultural figures also expressed their belief in the issue of hijab, statements that, although quickly denied, left their mark on society. Asieh Amini considers such remarks an attempt to maintain the existing order of society and states: "People who seek their personal, group, or political interests are in dire need of this political order. Whether they are cultural figures, play roles in politics, or engage in economic activities, this political order helps them establish a stable position in their field of activity. If we see today that a well-known cultural figure, not someone in power, someone renowned for their artistic activity, occupies the position of justifying this historical repression, they are neither against hijab nor in favor of it; they support the political order they need." The challenge over agreement and disagreement with the struggle against mandatory hijab continues in society, while so far only Masoumeh Ebtekar, the Vice President for Women and Family Affairs, has stated in one sentence, "Coercion and imposition in hijab do not work," and no other official has spoken on this matter except for officials from the judiciary. Hossein Ghazian discusses the roots of this type of government approach to the issue of women's mandatory hijab, stating: "In our society, the issue of hijab is intertwined with legitimacy. For the Islamic Republic, it may be of lesser importance what people do in practice, in private, in reality. What matters is that what is displayed from this reality does not deny the reasons for the Islamic Republic's governance. Those reasons include the Islamic nature of the government, and this is possible only if the people are Islamic; if it is shown that the people are not Islamic, then this logic is disrupted. Therefore, you do not see the image of those people in society who do not adhere to the Islamic Republic's model in the media and official institutions, except in cases where there is a temporary political need, resulting in a gap between that official image and what actually happens. The Islamic Republic is also aware of this gap. To some extent, it sometimes tolerates it, but it is unwilling to change or allow any disruption in the image that supports the legitimacy of its political name." With the continuation of the movement of the girls of the revolution and their ongoing presence in the streets, it seems that what Mehrdad Darvishpour refers to as the values of a patriarchal society has been seriously challenged. Darvishpour states that the most important way to advance this challenge is to influence all those who adhere to this perspective: "If we want to challenge patriarchal values, it is not just about criticizing patriarchy and urging men to change their behaviors and patterns so that laws and conditions change. Part of it is the struggle against the internalized values within women themselves, to reach a different understanding in terms of child-rearing, perceptions of the relationship between women and men, and their rights in society." Roya Karimi Majd began her journalism career in Iran in 1992 and joined Radio Farda in May 2008. She is the producer of the weekly program 'Another Voice,' which focuses on women's issues. In 2015, the Golden Microphone of the New York Radio Festival was awarded to the radio program 'Sentegh,' which was produced by Roya Karimi Majd.
Why Are Some Women Opposed to the Fight Against Mandatory Hijab?
The article discusses the ongoing debate in Iran regarding women's opposition to mandatory hijab, highlighting historical context and recent protests. Activists express that this opposition is not new and has roots in the post-revolutionary period, while some women defend the hijab, indicating a complex societal dynamic. The significance of this issue lies in its implications for women's rights and societal norms in Iran.
👥 Key Players
📰 What Happened
Recent protests in Iran have seen women opposing mandatory hijab by tying their hijabs to sticks in silent protest. This movement reflects a broader dissent against imposed policies and patriarchal values.
- The opposition to mandatory hijab has historical roots dating back to the post-revolutionary period.
- Recent protests have been characterized by individual acts of defiance rather than organized movements.
💡 Why It Matters
📚 Background
The mandatory hijab law was enforced after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, becoming a symbol of the Islamic Republic's governance. Women's opposition to this law has been a consistent issue in Iran's socio-political landscape.
Translated from the original and edited for English readers. View original source →
Translation confidence: 85%